Kornél Bakay: Controversy between Zalavàr – Vàrsziget and Mosaburg

All historians and archeologs dealing with this period are convinced that putting Mosaburg at Zalavàr is a hypothesis that is accepted on the basis of two circonstances by both Hungarian and foreign historians. « /Mosaburg/was at the place of today’s Zalavàr in the second part of the IX-th century… The strongest proof to this position is the one referring to the relics of Saint Adrian.. The monastery of Zalavàr is called until today the monastery of Saint Adrian. Between Mosapurc and Zalavàr the church of Saint Adrian is making the link of the christianity that did not disappear in Pannonia with the arrival of the Hungarians. »1 « The identification of Mosaburg and Zalavàr is accepted due to the similar marshland – fortified castle character and the patrocinium of Saint Adrian ». 2

This is therefore a hypothesis, but not an imponderable hypothesis! Because no authentic historic source is known , that could put Mosaburg at the south – west end of lake Balaton !

Place name and residence name Masaburg/Moosburg did exist without doubt in the Europe of the IX-th century and later, but not at the south – west end of lake Balaton, but in Stajerland, in Carinthia, and in Bavaria. However, the Hungarian political opinion after 1945 required, that Zalavàr should be the example of the role of the Slaves in the Carpathian – basin. 3 « Therefore, in the historian knowledge Zalavàr – Vàrsziget even today is the centre of Pannon – Slavic principality under the rule of Franks, founded by Priwina and Chezil, who were expelled from the slavic principality of Nyitra . » 4

Place name and residence name Mosaburg/Moosburg did exist wihout doubt in the Europe of IX-th century and later, but not at the south-east end of Lake Balaton, but in Stajerland, in Carinthia and in Bavaria. However, the Hungarian political opinion after 1945 required, that Zalavár should be the exemple of the role of the Slaves in the Carpathian basin. 3 « Therefore, in the historian knowledge Zalavár – Vàrsziget even today is the centre of Pannon-Slavic principality under the rule of Franks from the Slavic principality of Nyitra. « 4 «This conventional and superficial historical view » should be changed without doubt. 5 As a typical example it is perhaps sufficient to cite the position of Antal Bartha : « The main historical merit of the Pannonian Slaves is the fact that they laboured the abandoned lands (die verwilderten Felder) after the waves of the people migration died out and they put the fundamentals of the Hungarian early feudal civilization ». 6. The work of Péter Püspöki Nagy in 1982 was in vain, although he has shown that Mojmir did not expel Privina from the nothern Nyitra 7, and the Great Moravian empire is not identical with the late territory of Margrave, although there was also after 873 a Moravia (little Moravia), all I. Mojmir, as Raztislav, and also Svatopluk were the prince of Great Moravia, the country of whom was int he south, between Drave and Save, as far the Serbian Morava (earlier Margus) river. Only Svatopluk has united the Southern and Northern Moravia, later his empire was augmented by the territory of Czechs (Boiohaemum). 

Neither the results of Péter Püspöki Nagy 8, nor those of Imra Boba 9 were taken into account. In addition, the research in Zalavár increased tremendously. During the late summer 2020 (with the year 2019) has appeared the thick, new book of Béla

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Miklós Szőke, with the title « The Karoling period in Pannonia », in which the author tries to demonstrate convincingly the hypothesis of Zalavár-Vàrsziget identity with Mosaburg.10

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1 János Melich, Zalavár és Mosaburg II. Századok 40 (1906) 270-271 – Péter Juhász, Egy legenda nyomàban (On the step of a legend) : Priwina és Kocel. Hol kereshetjük Mosaburgot ? ( Where may we look for Mosaburg?). In : Tavaszi Szél 2017 Vol III. edited by Dr Gàbor Keresztes, Budapest, 2017, 444-454

2 Written by György Györffy in 1968. See Kornél Bakay, Őstörténetünk régészeti forràsai II. (Archeological sources of our Ancient History II.) Miskolc, 1998, 258.

3 Kornél Bakay, Őstörténetünk régészeti forràsai II. (Archeological sources of our Ancient History II.) Miskolc, 1998, 259.

4 Szlovàkia arany emlékérmet is veretett Pribinànak, Nyitra hercegének tiszteletére : Slovakia issued gold coin in honor of Prince Pribina of Nitrava. Newsletter 2012. 1. 12.

5 Béla Miklós Szőke, Pannonia a Karoling-korban. (Pannonia in the Karoling-period.) Akadémiai doktori értekezés tézisei. (The theses of Academic PhD.) Budapest, 2011

6 Antal Bartha, Zur Frage der ungarisch-slawischen Beziehungen im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert. Acta Archaeologica ASH 17 (1965) 8.

7 Péter Püspöki Nagy, Nagymoràvia fekvéséröl. (Concerning the place of Great Moravia.) New York, Püski-Corvin, 1982, 4. Skk, 20-21.

8 Péter Püspöki Nagy, A tények erejével. (With the strength of facts.) Püski, New-York, 1985.

9 Imre Boba, Moràvia története új megvilàgítàsban. Kisérlet a középkori forràsok újraértelmezésére. (The history of Moravia in new interpretation. Essay of the reunderstanding of the Middle Age sources.) Magyar Egyháztörténeti Enciklopédia Munkaközösség, Budapest, 1996.

10 Béla Miklós Szőke, A Karoling-kor Pannoniaban. (The Karoling- period in Pannonia.) Mosaburg-Zalavár. Vol. 1. Redigunt Ágnes Ritoók et Béla Miklós Szőke. Bölcsészettudomànyi Kutatóközpont Régészeti Intézet, Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, Martin Opitz Kiadó. Budapest, 2019. The monograph has a A/4 format, 535 pages containing a huge amount of sources and only few archeological materials, enumerating and analysing the entire corresponding literature (the bibliography contains 58 pages!), that is a serious scientific achievement, howerver it cannot be decided whether we have a scientific monograph in our hands or a big scientific popularizer ? Of course many illustrations are only coloured materials that do not prove anything. They do not show the burials and the findings. The author cannot be separated from his fixed idea, i.e. crying loudly already in the Introduction, what he should demonstrate scientifically step by step : « The more eastern capital of the Karoling Empire is Mosaburg/Zalavár that from 840 to the beginning of the 10-th century is the political, administrative and ecclesiastic centre of Low-Pannonia. «  Zalavár-Vàrsziget is therefore, ab ovo, Mosaburg. This is a fundamental truth. He does show however part of the opposite opinions (pages 295-306), but he tries to make unauthentic those, who say that Moosburg/Mosaburg was in Carinthia, and not at the south-werstern part of lake Balaton. The arguments of many other authors are not even mentioned. 11.

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50% of the volume concerns the show of the historic sources, their so many expostitions is entirely superfluous on 265 pages. The atlas of the excavation is complety missing, there are no descriptions of the cemeteries, the drawings of the graves serve only as illustrations (Sopronkőhida, 18-th picture, 142-nd page, Zalakomàr, 85-th picture, 420-th page, Alsórajk, Garabonc, 86-th picture, 422-nd page), from Zalavár-Vàrsziget itself there are only half a dozen drawings of graves (87-th picture, 425-th page). The systematic illustration of the graves (cemeteries) should have come before the historic argumentations. This is a serious insufficiency of the volume!

The 1:10 scale drawing on the straight sword grave n°20/19 found in 2019 is not even shown (445-th page, 2886-th note). The strangest thing is however that except two concentrated plans (81/1. picture, 400-th page, the plan of the church of Récéskùt of Aladàr Radnóti and the plan of Ágnes Sós, where there is no resolution), there are no clues at any other place. This makes the drawings of the layers of small scale useless ( 42-nd picture, 310-th page, 47-th picture, 318 -th page, 48-th picture, 319 -th page, 51,52-nd picture, 326,331-st page), and the summaries ( 34-th picture, 258-th page, 44-th picture, 312-nd page, 46-th picture, 314-th page, 39-th picture, 307 -th page, 53-rd picture, 334-th page), where even the distinction of the numbers is missing.

For example, when the author shows the rests of the pilgrim church of Zalavár, that he calls without any proof the Hadrianus church (pages 352-398), he does not show the findings determining the exact period (from the several hundred thousands of pieces of pottery found altogether 12 pieces of vessel and 4 pieces of pottery are related in his book, only as illustrations!). From the basis walls or the cemeteries around the basic excavation he only shows 24 graves (he is mentioning 4000 graves altogether!). The main deficiency is however the lack of summary plan that is of great scale and can be folded up (i.e. annex bag). 12

The program of the materials of excavation of Zalavár is completely misleading. He should have published in the first volume the found objects, the rests of the buildings, the excavated graves and the found annexes, all of them without exception ! The ultimate volume should have been consacrated to the analysis of the written sources.

Below we shall show the means used and what are the proofs of the believers of the Mosaburg-Zalavár identity. The « believers » of Mosaburg were already in 1999/2000 so constrained, that one of their « spokesman » Endre Tóth has written a study with the title « Mosaburg oder Moosburg ». He tried to save the inexcusable he thought being excusable, since from the years of 1980, new and newer studies came out demonstrating the Moosburg/Mosaburg localization in Carinthia.

11 The position of Hans-Ditrich Kahl « is not more than spiritual, but undemonstrable hypothesis ». (306-th page). He does not even mention the works of Ferenc Salamon, József Stessel, Péter Juhàsz, Kornél Bakay.

12 For this reason Béla Miklós Szőke mentioned the lack of treatment of the graves, see cited work (2019) 424, 2835-th note.

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From Karoling Pannonia 13 (South-Transdanubia) a high number of geographic names are known, the position of which remains uncertain, states Endre Tóth 14 conforming the general opinion, that from 820 to 900, the entire Transdanubia was under the rule of Franks 15, but he is judging superficially, because most of the names of villages, churches and other localities should not be looked for in the later Transdanubia. 16 Tóth considers only the name of Sabaria as surviver. (The registers of the Karoling emperor empire 751-918 are confirming it.), where the surviver of the Church can be confirmed. 17 The sources, following his opinion, only confirm the surviver of a unique Church : that of Mosaburg, i.e. Zalasziget (Insula Zaladiensi), the later Zalavàr-Vàrsziget, where king Stephan I. has consacrated a church in the IX-XI-th century 18 to an almost unknown saint in

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Pannonia 19, Hadrian (Adrian) martyr 20 and he has founded a benedictine abbey in 1019, later in a false charter dated from 1024 (that remained only as a copy from 1347) he has confirmed its properties. 21 And here, declare the corresponding researchers, the ethnic and cultural survive happened in the basin of the boggy Zala river. They pretend that they have consacrated once again a personal church of prince named Privina 22, who lived in the IX-th century, the church of Mary Giving Birth to God in 1019, in honor of Saint Adrian. They declare all this as a historical fact, although many others recognize : « We already know from the archeological findings that there is no continuity between the Saint Adrian church of the 9-th century and that founded by Saint Stephan. The foundation of the church of our first king has used the rests of the Virgin Mary church. This church was transformed into fortification in the 16-17-th century, and later in 1702, it was exploded on the order of Lipot I. and they demolished it. The main part of the rests was used and therefore its plan is only known from the plan prepared by Giulio Turco around 1569. » 23

13 The Pannonia of Charles the Great contained Carinthia and today’s Austria, but did not contain southwest Hungary. See Sàndor Màrki, A középkor kezdete Magyarorszàgon I. (The beginning of Middle Age in Hungary I.) Szàzadok 24 (1890) 319.

14 Endre Tóth, Mosaburg und Moosburg. Acta Archaeologica ASH 51 (1999/2000) 439-456.

15 In the past it was believed that in the golden age, the marchia orientalis, first mentioned in 856, contained the entire Transdanubia. See F. Albin Gombos, Történetünk első szàzadaiból. (From the first centuries of our history.) Szàzadok 44 (1911) 499. – Ágnes Sós, Die slawische Bevölkerung Westungarns im 9. Jahrhundert. Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 22 (1973) 83. – Alexander Avenarius, Die Awaren in Europa. Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1974, 184 : They have incorporated the most important part of the Avar territory in the Frank empire, that included the entire roman Pannonia province. The whole territory became Ostmark, that was governed by a margrave. At the same time in a Synod, hold by Pippin near Pannonia, on the beach of an unknown river, they put the foundation of the conditions to become christian for the occupied territory.

16 « It’s a pity, the localization of these places – except for one – is impossible…It’s a pity, the identification of the places found in the sources is very difficult. » See Imre H. Tóth, Konstantin – Cirill és Metod élete és működése. (The life and activity of Constantin – Cirill and Metod.) Gyorsuló Idő. Magvető, Budapest, 1981, 114-115. – « Difficult and uncertainly identified names » - wrote also György Györffy. See A magyarok elődeiről és a honfoglalàsról. Kortàrsak és krónikàsok híradàsai. (About the ancestors of Hungarians and the conquest of the country. The news of contemporaries and chroniclers.) (MKH). Osiris Kiadó, Budapest, 2002, 292-nd, 460-th notes – The identification of the place names cannot even be considered. Péter Juhàsz, cited work (2017) 445. This is also recognized by Béla Miklós Szőke (cited work 2019, 182-186.)

17 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 224-225.

18 SRH I. 125 : 1019 dedicatur ecclesia Sancti Adriani /Monasterium ord. S. Benedicti in oppid. Zalavàr/. And SRH II. 493 : de Zaladino.

19 With the name Adrian, there are more than 15 saints, but it concerns generally the martyr of Nikomed (martyr death in 303). See Andràs Mező, A templomcím a magyar helységnevekben (11-15 szàzad). (The title of church in the Hungarian place names – 11-th – 15-th century.) Magyar Egyhàztörténeti Enciklopédia Munkaközösség. Budapest, 1996. Church with the name Adrian is in Kismarót, Söjtör, Lispeszentadorjàn and Màrtély. In the continuation of the chronicle of brother György we can read, that the Macedonians, when they saw the endless number of Hungarians, they crowded in tears, saying : « Saint Adrian save us ! » MHK Reprint 102. and MEH 103. In the Karoling-period, however, there were no churches consacrated to Adrian, neither in Bavaria, nor in Stajerland, nor in Carinthia !

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20 Perhaps on the influence of his father-in-law, II. Henry and of his wife Gisella, who were honoring the pope Adrian. See Péter Juhàsz, cited work (2017). 

21 1019 : ecclesia Beati Adriani martyris preciosi de Insula Zaladiensi. György Györffy, Diplomata Hungariae Antiquissima I. (DHA) Budapest, 1992, 101-102. No 14, 17.

22 Constantin born in the purple, in his book, A birodalom kormànyzàsa (The governing of the empire), in the 31-st chapter we can read « bàn » of name Pribüna , who killed Miroslav croatian prince. In the 30-th chapter there is a frank duke named Kocel, killed by the Croatians. The greek text was edited and translated to Hungarian by Gyula Moravcsik. Közoktatàsügyi Kiadó, Budapest, 1950,

145, 151. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 150. In 1092-nd note he puts in connection the name Kocel with the name of the prince of Friaul.

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The views of Endre Tóth were criticized already in 2002 by Hans-Dietrich Kahl, Giessen university professor, 24 who took the earlier argument of Robert Svetina. He believed that for the existence of the (following him) demonstrated slavic principality, next to lake Balaton (das nachgewiesene slawische Fürstentum am Plattensee), it was not possible to use as important argument the data of Regino concerning Moosburg in Karantia, because it does not deal with Mosaburg near lake Balaton. There is no basis for the hypothesis, because it does not concern the place near lake Balaton, that during 20 years was also called Mosaburg. « The Mosaburh of Regino (and together with Arnolf of Carinthia) remains the island of rocks protected by fen, in the territory of Karantania Wölfnitz, as the fortified castle of the oldest and authentically demonstrated main castle (Die sumpfgeschützte Felseninsel im Wölnitzgrund Kärtens bleibt die Mosaburh Reginos /und damit Arnulfs von Kärnten/ und die ältesbezeugte Hauptburg des Landes). Béla Miklós Szőke also more recently deals with the newer arguments of H. D. Kahl, as all the data stemming from Mosaburg concern the Moosburg of Carinthia following Kahl. Szőke tries to throw discredit on the data of Kahl, but his reasoning is of shamefully low level : « The formally logic argumentation of Kahl breaks down on the concrete facts ». Szőke calls Kahl pedantic and proposes that we put aside (!) the explanation of Regino. 25 Let us resume the antecedents concerning Zalavàr-Vàrsziget. 26 The site of the church was already visited in 1841 by Jan Kollàr and Anton Dolezsàlek, two Slovakians, because the destroyed ruines « were complained by other western nations », 27 while they were looking for ancient slavic antiquities. 28 But the hungarian archeology was not uninterested either. Ferenc Flóris Rómer, and later Viktor Récsey conducted several times excavations on the site (1862, 1879, 1880, 1881, 1887, 1891), but because of the great destruction, they could obtain only few results. 29

Because the big sand excavation has heavily damaged the church of the benedictine abbey and the edifices of the abbey, valuable details are not known. This benedictine abbey, together with the church of the (supposable) three (?) naves, became later a fortified abbey (fortified castle). It is however possible that this church was only a chapel of cemetery, that was consacrated to the honor of Virgin Mary (capella in honorem Beate Virginis in corpore dicti monasterii Beati Adriani martiris constructi, 1347). The tombs, although the author does not show them, (except the 87-th picture on page 425-th) are essentially of the Árpàd-period.

On the eastern and northern part of this church a cemetery of 394 tombs was discovered in the fiftieths in the most profound layers with the so-called tombs of big coffins. 30 Between 2006 and 2011, on the field of province centre of the Árpàd-age surrounded by palisade, they succeeded to define the northern side of the sand mine, and discover newer tombs, 31 but even those are not shown by the author.

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23 Làszló Vàndor, Zalavàr a kiràlyi vàrmegye központja. Központok a Zala mentén. (Zalavàr, centre of the royal province . Centres along Zala.) Katalógus. Zalaegerszeg, 2002, 103.

24 Hans-Dietrich Kahl, Die Kärtner Pfalzgrafschaft und ihre Verbindung zur alten Moosburg. Carinthia 192 (2002) 185-235.

25 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 297-299.

26 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 347-351.

27 Following Imre H. Tóth, the identity of Mosaburg and Zalavàr was first proposed by the » father of slavistics », the Czech Josef Dobrowsky. Imre H. Tóth, cited work (1981) 115.

28 Viktor Récsey, Zalavàri emlékek. (Souvenirs from Zalavàr.) Archaeologiai Értesítő 12 (1892) 58.

29 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 348-349.

30 Ágnes Sós, Die Ausgrabungen Géza Fehérs in Zalavàr. Archaeologica Hungarica 41 (1963). Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest.

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In the XI-th century, the count centre of province Zala was built in Vàrsziget of Zalavàr, with residence tower, herse houses (residence houses), ground remparts, defending walls with stakes, and of course with churches and with cemeteries aroun them. 32 Ground castle was, however, not built here either. 33 « From the count centre we only know the remparts around and one part of the fortified castle. The sand mine has annihilated the greater part of the count fortified castle , that was situated at the southern part of the island. » The one third of L-shape of northeastern part of Vàrsziget was only examined by geophysical measurements in 2010, and there « they were supposed to be the rests of a densly populated suburb. » 34

The excavations started in Zalavàr-Récéskùt in 1946, in Vàrsziget in 1948, and they were continued with some omissions until 1993, or better from 1997 to 2012. « Around the bord of the island was built a rempart of wooden beam having a stone-wood structure, that was later several times renewed. Within this an inner fortification of palisade wall separated the northwestern part of the island from the remaining territory… » 35 They believed that most of the remparts and rempart excavations were from the IX-th century, and corresponding to the fundamental proposition, they put this in connection with the installation of Privina, without showing however the proofs for it. This is indeed recognized by the discoverer archeolog Béla Miklós Szőke , that these remparts do not correspond to the criteria of well defensibility. The walls of the remparts are not steep, the excavations are not deep, there are no natural obstacles in them. Not mentioning of course that the dating of the discovered wooden beam is very uncertain. 36

They had to look for three churches if they wanted to correspond to the data of Mosaburg of Conversio : 1/ Virgin Mary church, 2/ Hadrianus martyr church and 3/ Saint John the Baptist church. The church (the chapel) of the fortified castle was destroyed, with the church consacrated to the honor of Saint John the Baptist they thought to identify a wooden building, 15 m on the west of Adrian church. This 12.2 x 7.5 m wooden beam building having also a southern atrium, was a so-called church. A so-called well house belonged to this, in order to get holy water for baptism. 37

Between 1983 and 1991, thanks to the excavation of Ágnes Cs. Sós went to the daylight the poor rests of the foundation walls of a big building (a church) in the middle part of Vàrsziget. « Thanks to the excavations of last years (Béla Miklós Szőke has essentially discovered once again

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between 1998 and 2000) it became clear that there was an even bigger (29.3 x 16.7 m), three naves, big fore porch and so-called round choir church within the centre of the island, on the interior of the territory surrounded by palisade wall ( ?). From around the church the tombs of several layers cemetery came out, » 38 but even these were not published ! In the deepest layer of the tombs, it was several times possible to discover the rests of the wooden coffin in good state, of the wooden tomb. The tombs were generally without annex, but in an already visited children tomb there /was/ a belt with imprint cast bronze from the late period of Avars. In a tomb near the palisade , they discovered a table-service. » 39

31 Régészeti kutatàsok Magyarorszàgon 2011, 388-th thesis.

32 Ágnes Ritoók, Zalavàr-Vàrsziget Árpàd-kori «tornya». (The « tower » of Zalavàr-Vàrsziget from the Árpàd-period.) Zalai Múzeum 17 (2008) 228.

33 Istvàn Bóna, Az Árpàdok korai vàrairól. 11-12. szàzadi ispàni vàrak és hatàrvàrak. (About the early fortified castles of the Árpàd-period. The fortified castles and the border fortified castles of the 11-12-th century.) Debrecen, 1995, 15. It is typical, that the author does not put in doubt the existence of an earth-wooden fortified castle in Mosaburg/Zalavàr, because this could speak against the « general agreement ». See cited work (1995), 15, 29, 41.

34 Làszló Vàndor, A kiràlyi hadiút mentén. In: Évezredek üzenete a làp vilàgàból. (Along the royal army road. In : The message of thousends of years from the world of swamp.) Kaposvàr-Zalaegerszeg, 1996, 146. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 222.

35 Béla Miklós Szőke, Karoling-kor. In: Évezredek üzenete a làp vilàgàból. (The Karoling-period. In: The message of thousends of years from the world of swamp.) Kaposvàr-Zalaegerszeg, 1996, 125. 

36 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 332 : the palisade wall had probably no military role.

37 In the period of early christianity (in the VIII-IX-th century) wooden church was more frequent also in the territory of Bavaria, but the churches were transformed in the X-XII-th century into bulidings of solid walls (Kleinlangheim). In the tombs of the cemetery around the church christian symbols appeared. Christian Peschek, Zum Beginn des Christentums in Nordbayern. Bayerische Vorgeschichts Blätter 51 (1986) 343-355.

38 Béla Miklós Szőke, Karoling-kor. In: Évezredek üzenete a làp vilàgàból. (The Karoling-period. In: The message of thousends of years from the world of swamp.) Kaposvàr-Zalaegerszeg, 1996, 125. Thus after 1995 the archeologic excavations continued (1997-2012), where Béla Miklós Szőke has controlled and authenticated the base walls of the church discovered earlier, that are situated at the north of the abbey of Saint Stephan-period. The new situation has been summed up : « From the church a plan came first in 1998, mostly based on the documentation of Ágnes Cs. Sós. In 2000 we finished the excavations interrupted by the death of Ágnes Cs. Sós (1993) , we solved the problems related to the plan, uncertainties, so that today we possess a much better plan. The differences between the present description and that stemming from 1998 – inclusively the measures – are related to this. From the upper walls of the building nothing in fact remained, even at several places the base walls were dispersed, resulting only in the excavations showing their previous places. » The person making the excavations has summed up this way : « We made excavations around the church and its surrounding, uncovered and discovered by Ágnes Cs. Sós in the eightieths years. The church was so destroyed, that only the layers below the era walking level could be discovered. These situations were even worsened by the excavation of Ágnes Cs. Sós. Our new excavation, dispite this gave good results. We rediscovered the western part of the church…With the discovery of the filling

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of the big excavations in front of the western wall …it can be demonstrated, that the church was demolished in the early Árpàd-period, perhaps already in the 11-th century, and its walls were extracted as far as the basic trench. » 40 We shall characterize later the church in more details, we only deal now with the problem of martyr tomb. « On the axis of the abside, on its interior wall is leaning the saint relic tomb of nearly rectangular shape made of amorphous stones (2.5 x 2.3 m). » »The most particular part is however the covered corridor tomb giving a direct contact, caved in below the ground, that is situated below the principal chorus helping the approach of the martyr tomb, through the small window (fenestella) that looks out on the martyr tomb and the crown of three chappels (side niches) that come from it. » 41 In the report of the excavation it can be read the following summary : « /in the church/ they built a so-called chorus of corridor tombs, from which a broad, having a corridor partly caved below the ground , three small altar niches, a small chapel opened. It became clear…how was the division of the interior of the church : they devided it with four-four pillars in three naves, next to the semi-cicular arch chorus the side naves with direct closing…The church was closed from the west by a gallery where a small special tower with steps conducted at the southwestern corner. From this to the west was also built a narthex with three naves, with a large surface and with stores. » This way the western-eastern length is 50 m and the width 25 m. 42

Below the brick floor (the walking level) of the corridor running around the chorus it was found burnt, painted and coloured pieces of glass windows containing figures of Christ, saints and angels, and letters of inscriptions. 43 Ornements of cut sand stone and limestone (doorbord, capital) came to daylight. On the western side there was the foundation of a quadrature place (atrium or narthex, and the total length became 50 m), and of a tower. At southern part from the church they discovered a cemetery of circa 1,500 tombs, 44 among the tombs there was one dead burried with a Salamon denier, three deads burried with medal of I. Géza and one burried with denier of I. Andràs (Andreas).

39 Régészeti kutatàsok Magyarorszàgon (Archeologic excavations in Hungary) 1998, 174-175, 195-th thesis. Putting table-service annexes in the tombs is a costom of late Avar in the Carpathian-basin, that was also imitated by the Slaves. The custom is of eastern origin and after the XI-th century they dropped this buriel custom. See Attila Kiss, Über mit Keramik verbundenen Bestattungsarten im Kàrpátenbecken des 10-11. Jahrhunderts. Móra Ferenc Múzeum Közleményei, Szeged, 2 (1969) 175-182.

40 Régészeti kutatàsok Magyarorszàgon (Archeologic excavations in Hungary) 1999, 266-267, 341-st thesis.

41 Béla Miklós Szőke, Mosaburg/Zalavàr. In: Központok a Zala mentén. (Mosaburg/Zalavàr. In: Centres along Zala.) Katalógus, Zalaegerszeg, 2002, 93-94.

42 Régészeti kutatàsok Magyarorszàgon (Archeologic excavations in Hungary) 2000, 236-237, 425-th thesis.

43 Béla Miklós Szőke, Karoling-kor. In: Évezredek üzenete a làp vilàgàból. (The Karoling-period. In: The message of thousends of years from the world of swamp). (Régészeti kutatàsok a Kis-Balaton területén 1979-1992). (Archeologic excavations on the territory of Small-Balaton). Kaposvàr, Zalaegerszeg, 1996, 125. – The same, A Karoling-kor a Kàrpàt-medencében. In: A Kàrpàt-medence a Karoling-korban és a honfoglalàs koràban. (The Karoling-period in the Carpathian-basin. In: The Carpathian-basin in the Karoling-period and in the Árpàd period). Szerk. (edited by) Katalin Gergely and Ágnes Ritoók. MNM àllandó kiàllitàsa (Permanent exposition of MNM) ; Budapest, 2014 or the same, Das Karpathenbecken in der Karolingerzeit. A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum àllandó kiàllitàsa. It does not deal with the oven of smelting glass (Glasschmelzofen) !

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Summerizing : the rests of the Saint Adrian monastery founded by king I. Stephan (1019) are almost completely annihilated, although the foundations of some wooden pole walls and the rests of a door tower came out between 1951 and 1954 and between 1963 and 1965, although the new excavations started in 1998 did not find these foundation walls ! 45

The age of the cemetery that was found at east and north of the former benedictine monastery was determined being in the IX-XI-th century, although only a few medals came out from the excavated tombs ! 46 This cemetery was used without interruption also after the IX-th century, although no piece typical of Hungarians came out. However, not far away from Vàrsziget « typical Hungarian find, two pieces shirt neck ornaments, plaited necklace were brought to light. » 47 In the cemetery of Vàrsziget the burial was continuous. 48 At the north of the sand mine excavation the age of the (later) discovered tombs is XI-XII-th century, as was already mentioned, in five tombs there were medals of Hungarian kings of the XI-th century ! 49 The defence work with pole discovered at north from the monastery is perhaps from the XI-th century, but the dating is uncertain. This defence work was probably part of the count fortified castle of Zala province, similar to the inhabited tower. 50 Until the end of the XIII-th century there was here the chief town of count Zala, but details are not known. « The servants of the count centre from mid XI-th century buried their deads around the parish church (a chapel that was rebuilt) situated in the northern part of Vàrsziget. » 51 The evaluation of this cemetery is not known, like that of the other excavated tombs neither.  The analysis of the materials buried around the stone church of Récéskùt (21 m length, 13 m width) is yet to be made. The dating of the several layers, very poor annexes tombs is uncertain. 52 There was a cemetery on the territory named Zalavàr-Kövecses (35 tombs), at Zalavàr-Rezeshàz (205 tombs). In this latter find there were annexes in one third of the tombs.

On the territory of Zalavàr, there was, in addition to the above-mentioned ones, also a seventh cemetery in the inner territory of Zalavàr village (Lebujpuszta), where Katalin B. Mikes has excavated 135 tombs. 53 There were no weapons in the tombs, only a few iron knives, as (except one needle) simple body jewels (hair rings with the end of S, bracelet, rings, pearls). From a lady tomb a silver denier of I. Andreas (Andràs) king came out. The date of the opening of the cemetery composed essentially of lady and children tombs is believed to be the period of Saint Stephan ( István, end of X-th century and XI-th century) and is explaned by the installation of new peoples here, 54 although these tombs are similar to those in cemeteries of Vàrsziget.

The interpretation of the big church however, despite the various analyses, remains to us uncertain. They believe that this building is the church consacrated at the honor of Saint Adrian of Mosaburg, in which the christian life was not interrupted, « only this way we can explane, that the title of Saint Adrian consacrated here in the 9-th century could be transmitted in 1019 to the benedictine abbey founded by I. (Saint) Stephan ; » 55 

44 On the basis of the cemetery maps published until today the analyses cannot be carried out ! See Ágnes Ritoók, The benedictine monastery of Zala/Zalavàr (County Zala). Mensch, Siedlung und Landschaft im Wechsel der Jahrtausende am Balaton. Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 4. HRSG. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamàska und Peter Straub. Budapest, Leipzig, Keszthely, Rahden. 2014, 290., 7-th picture ; 296, 13-th picture ; 298, 14-th picture. – Béla Miklós Szőke, A Karoling-kor a Kàrpàt-medencében; A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum àllandó kiàllitàsa. (The Karoling-period in the Carpathian-basin. The permanent exposition of the Hungarian National Museum.) Szerk. Katalin Gulyàs and Ágnes Ritoók. MNM, Budapest, 2014, 48-105.

45 Ágnes Ritoók, cited work (2014) 303. 10

46 In 2019 a tomb with double-edged sword there was an extra fine gold solidus of V. Konstantinos emperor of Byzantium from Siracuse among the sides. The material of this tomb is unpublished either.

47 Làszló Vàndor, Honfoglalàs- és Árpàd-kor. In: Évezredek üzenete a làp vilàgàból. (The conquest of Árpàd and the Árpàd-period. In : The message of thousends of years from the world of swamp.) Kaposvàr-Zalaegerszeg, 1996, 144.

48 Sós, cited work (1973) 182-186.

49 Ágnes Ritoók, The benedictine monastery of Zala/Zalavàr (County Zala). Mensch, Siedlung und Landschaft im Wechsel der Jahrtausende am Balaton. Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 4. Hrsg. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamàska und Peter Straub. Budapest, Leipzig, Keszthely, Rahden. 2014, 298.

50 Ágnes Ritoók, cited work (2008) 221-228.

51 Làszló Vàndor, cited work (1996) 104.

52 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (1996) 134. - Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (1996) 65-66.

53 Katalin B. Mikes, Le cimetière dit « de la commune » de Zalavàr. (The cemetery called « of the free town » of Zalavàr.) Acta Archaeologica ASH 4 (1954) 275-280.

54 Ágnes Sós, cited work (1973) 184. The question remains however open, whether this building could be the Saint Adrian pilgrim church cited in Conversio ? 56 The question is thus not, that there stood churches in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget or Zalavàr-Borjùàllàs or could stand in the 9-th century (or earlier), built of wood or stone, but whether this place was the one cited Mosaburg in the written sources, first of all in the Conversio? At the end of the XII-th century an ecclesiastic propaganda document on the conversion of Bavarians and Caranthians (Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum 57), prepared around 870/871, the author is unknown (Anonymous of Salzburg). First publication was in 1597. The purpose of this document was to announce the successes of apostolate of archdiocese of Salzburg (Iuvavium) and to guarantee the ecclesiastic legal continuity. The work of this ancient writer was edited in Hungary by Istvàn Szalàgyi in 1780, and later in 1804 by József Koller, bishop of Pécs. From the Hungarian historians several of them (Lajos Bitnitz, Jànos Horvàth 58) have « identified » quickly Mosaburg with Zalavàr, due to the mentioning of river Sala/Zala, and rejoicing at the fact that there was here a christian life before the pagan Hungarians. They summerized the parts of Conversio referring to it, following my knowledge in hungarian langage for the first time : « Lewis, the smaller became king of Bavaria and Pannonia… The bad sons…after the death of their father (840-th year) among them burst out the fire of division, that was extinguished only after the bloody battle of Fontenay (843-rd year) by the agreement of Verdun, and that way above other conquered territories, Lewis preserved Bavarian and Pannonia kingdom. During his reign became repute Privinna, otherwise Bribinus, a Slave prince that was expelled from the Morva country situated at east from Mojmàr and he with his son Kotzel asked Ratbod for arm help, who was the Border Count of Pannonia, against his enemy; with his intercession, he obtained clemency at Lewis and after being baptized, he gained back his principality ; but later he became also enemy of Ratbod, with whom he made peace thanks to Salacho, the Border Count of Carenthania and Tot country, after a longer exile; because he was fervent in encouragement of the religeous office, he received from king Lewis a present of notable paye property, he became Prince of one part of Inferior Pannonia. Privinna conquered many peoples and built a strong fortified castle in the swamp of Szala, which he /called/ Mozburg and filled with people the City that he called Salaburg ; his servants destroyed forests, made the salvage places fecond, and this way they enlarged his empire by working hard and not by using weapons. He

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recieved professionals from Salzburg, he embellished Mozburg with two churches, Salapurg (today’s Szalavàr) with one church, and with a monastery consacrated to Saint Adrian, Bettobia (Petau), Linovels-Chirchen (Lendva), Quinque Basilica (Pécs), Weidheres-Chirchen (Friedau, Ermosd) and above all other eleven places (in Tot-, Inferior-Hungarian-, and Stayer countries) with one – one church. These named and other places, where churches were built thanks to the will of Privinna and his people, do not leave doubt, that the ancestors of Vends living among us were the servants of Privinna. 59 Privinna was killed by the Moraves in 865-th year, his son became the lord of Mozburg and of the territories belonging to it ; following the example of his farther he also applied to the propagation of the christian Religio, building several churches.

55 Làszló Vàndor, cited work (1996) 145.

56 Several authors emphasize that mentioning the relic of Saint Adrian martyr of Mosaburg in Conversio is only an annotation on the margin, hence it was added later !

57 A magyar honfoglalàs kùtfői. (The sources of the Hungarian Árpàd conquest period.) Edited by Gyula Pauler and Sàndor Szilàgyi. Budapest, 1900. Reprint Nap Kiadó, 1996, 301-313. – Herwig Wolfram, Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum. Das Weissbuch der Salzburger Kirche über die erfolgreiche Mission in Karantanien und Pannonien. Bölau Quellenbücher, Hrsg. Berthold Sutter und Helmut J. Mezler Andelberg. Hermann Böhlaus Nachf. Wien-Köln-Graz, 1979. – MMFH IV. 292-321. – F. Losek, Die Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum und der Brief des Erzbischofs Theotmar von Salzburg. MGH Studien und Texte, XV. Hannover, 1997, 90-117.

58 Prof. Bitnitz, A Vass és Szala Vàrmegyei Tótokról. (From the Tots of province Vass and Szala.) Tudomànyos Gyüjtemény 1819/III. 66-69. – Jànos Horvàth, Az Egyhàzi Kormàny (Hierarchia) története a Magyaroké lett tartomànyokban a IX-X. szàzadban. (The history of the Hierarchy in the provinces that became Hungarian in the IX-X-th century.) Tudomànyos Gyüjtemény 1819/III. 8-24. – 1819/IV. 30-35.

As Privinna, as Kotzel were vassals of the Germain Kings…In 887-th year the son of Karlmann, Arnulf became the King of the German Empire, to whom was entrusted the guidance of Karentania and Pannonia, following the final will of his Father ; this was living in peace with the invador Hungarians, or better in coalition, because the Hungarians helped him against Svatopluk, the king of the eastern Moraves, and because fearing these new neighbours, confided the defense of Pannonia Inferior, together with Mozburg in 896-th year to Braxlavo, who was believed by certain persons being the son of Kotzel »… Jànos Horvàth derived with enthusiasm from the text of Conversio, because he confirmed Mosaburg = Zalavàr. He analyses the gift given by Privina to the Saint Maurice of Altai.

In 1821, Istvàn Horvàt summerized the most important documentations as : 60 « From this ancient script, one used to demonstrate in the ancient Histories of the Hungarian Church, that before the Hungarian Nation the bigger part of Pannonia followed the Roman Christian Faith, under the direction of Archbishop of Salzburg ; from this and from the very old charts of the Archbishops of Salzburg one used to determine the old situation of Szalavàr, Péts, Szombathely, Mosburg and of other Cities of Pannonia and of rivers and the fact, that they belonged to the domain of the Archbishop of Salzburg. More frequently one is reading these Ancient Documents alone, more promptly he believes , without taking much attention, those that our Historians are confirming equally. During long time I also believed these places Quinque ecclesiae, Sabaria, Mosburg et cetera were in Pannonia, but at the end I realized my error from the charts of Germany and from authentic Historians. These places with similar names were situated near Saltzburg and belonged even in the

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XII-th century to the properties of Archbishop of Saltzburg…If our not baptized Ancestors have purchased constantly Churches and Priests, if they impeached the prisoners to be baptized, who were imprisoned by them, how could maintain they Péts, Szombathely, Szalavàr et cetera in the property of Archbishop of Saltzburg ? How could give Arnulf German King in 890-th , and later II. Otto in 978-th year the places in Hungary as gifts to the Archbishop of Saltzburg ? How could assert these present Briefs III. Henry German Emperor in 1051-st year in regard with Péts, and Philip Roman King in 1199-th year, if it is certain, and it is not possible to deny, the known Hungarian Péts was the property of Archbishop of Péts, and not that of Archbishop of Saltzburg. » 61

In this chart is included, that a certain Privina, dux of Moraves, who was still pagan this time, because Mojmir exiled him, he went to Transdanubia, later he was converted and baptized on the order of Lewis king. The king gave later a property to Privina, that was on the territory of Pannonia Inferior, near the river Sana/sala, that was later called Mosaburg. Although in Pannonia, in the later Transdanubia, there was never a place with such a name, neither Mosaburg/Mocsàrvàr, nor Mosaburg/Sàrvàr, due to the numerous above mentioned events 62 , two Slowaks affirmed (Jan Kollàr and Anton Dolezsàlek, in 1841) that Mosaburg is identical with Zalavàr-Vàrsziget.

59 The Carantans, otherwise Vends, called also Bömhéc in Hungarian. Prof. Bitnitz, A Vass és Szala Vàrmegyei Tótokról. (From the Tots of Vass and Szala Districts.) Tudomànyos Gyüjtemény 1819/III. 60.

60 Istvàn Horvàt, Veszprém vàra nevéröl. (From the name of fortified castle of Veszprém.) Tudomànyos Gyüjtemény 1821/III. 43-45. Béla Miklós Szőke , cited work (2019) 295, in 2267-th note says erroneously that Istvàn Horvàt has accepted the Zalavàr = Mosaburg identity.

61 It is worthwile to mention that Istvàn Horvàt has shown in 1821 the absurdity of the hypotheses concerning Veszprém, that Tamàs Bogyay tried to demonstrate in 1960 : Die Kirchenorte der Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum. Südost Forschungen 19 (1960) 67-69. Endre Tóth has disproved this hypothesis only in 1991.

62 After the publication of Conversio several persons joined with enthusiasm the hypothesis Mosaburg = Zalavàr. Jànos Horvàth, Az Egyhàzi Kormàny (Hierarchia) története a Magyaroké lett tartomànyokban a IX-X. szàzadban. (The history of the Hierarchy in the provinces that became Hungarian in the IX-X-th century.) Tudomànyos Gyüjtemény 1819/III. 3-45. – Prof. Bitnitz, A Vass és Szala Vàrmegyei Tótokról . (From the Tots of Provinces of Vass and Szala.) Tudomànyos Gyüjtemény 1819/III. 60-69. We could believe that the views of 200 years ago are already forgotten, but it is not at all so. 45 years ago (in 1975) a leading Hungarian historian (György Györffy) published in English, that from the almost hundred place names and person names in Pannonia in the IX-th century known by us, it is not possible to show even in one case that it was Hungarian : There it has to be said to start with that no one of the close to a hundred toponyms and personal names of ninth-century Pannonia known to us can be shown to be Hungarian…See György Györffy, The Original Landtaking of the Hungarians. MNM Budapest, 1975, 10. This statement is still valid today !

In 1864 published by the German Georgius Heinricus Pertz, in the critical source publication of Monumenta Germaniae Historica (MGH) (Scriptorum XI. Hannover, 1864, 4-14.) W. Wattenbach insisted on this and published the Conversio, in its critical source publication, that Mosaburg = Zalavàr. 63 With this for a long time even until today the localization of Mosaburg is resolved.

Following this Mosaburg was situated near the swampy region of Small-Balaton and Zala river, that became an important place of Pannonia in the Karoling-period. This is written and confessed among others by Endre Tóth, Béla Miklós Szőke and many others in Hungary and abroad.

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The localization of Mosaburg is however not at all demonstrated and verified, even despite the sensational archeologic finds as the glagolit letters carved on the side fragments of a polished bottle, the argil pieces of which came out from a dwell (?) or an engraving, 64 or during the ploughing, rare mark, the plombbull of Archbishop Georgios from 878. 65

The name Mosaburg/Moosburg is frequent in the German langage territory (Hessen, Oberbayern, Switzerland) and of course in Carinthia. Nevertheless Endre Tóth declares, that there could be no doubt since almost one century (this was written in 2000) on the precise localization of Mosaburg ! (schon beinahe ein Jahrhundert besteht an der richtigen Lokalisierung kein Zweifel mehr.) However, what is causing the uncertainty, he is moderating later his declaration, that many sources are citing Mosaburg in Bavaria and in the eastern margraves, and following him, they are citing Mosaburg in three places! However, indeed only in two places , in Carinthia near the Wörther See and near Freising there are places called that way. An abbey near Isara, in loco Mosaburc. The third place cited by Endre Tóth could be at western side of Balaton, near the river Zala. However, this should be demonstrated ! The author considers the hypothesis as a fact, or better he declares in advance the « result ». This place name is thus cannot be used as a proof !

The monastery Saint Castulus near Freising was founded in the VIII-th century, and later king Arnulf gave it in 895 to the bishop of Freising. In Bavaria the diocese of Freising was one of the four dioceses (Salzburg, Passau, Regensburg and Freising 66).

63 MGH Scriptorvum XI. 12, in f note there is sana instead of sala, but accepting the « correction » of the Slave writer Kopitar, W. Wattenbach writes Sala, even with capital letter ! He ascertains, that the previous name of Mosaburg was Salaburg (prius nomen fuisse Salaburg). Following the Anonymous of Salzburg this city was called first the city of Privina (primo eam civitatem Privinae vocat), and later noviter Mosaburg. As Moos (palus) in German means also swamp, Mosaburg urbs Paludarum, i.e. swamp fortified castle, in Slavic Blatensk. From this word the Hungarians made Balaton. At the border of Austria and Bavaria a Roten Sala is mentioned in 1156, that means Red swamp. Today das Salet means swampy forest. See MHK Reprint 1996, 290. This was also noticed by Egyed Rudnay following Zsigmond Fekete. Attila trilógia I. Igazsàgok, ferdítések. (Attila trilogy I. Certainties, voluntary errors.) Bruxelles, Szerzői kiadàs, 1964, 14-16.

64 At the southern part from the church, under the tombs, a dwell surrounded by calcareous plates, gave rather many iron pieces and fragments of a bottle with a polished surface. Régészeti kutatàsok Magyarorszàgon (Archeologic researches in Hungary) 2001, 246, 309-th thesis. – See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) 105, 240.

65 Béla Miklós Szőke, A Kàrpàt-medence a Karoling-korban. A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum àllandó kiàllítàsa. (The Carpathian-basin in the Karoling-period . The permanent exposition of the Hungarian National Museum.) Szerk. Katalin Gulyàs and Ágnes Ritoók. MNM, Budapest, 2014, 89, 93-94. The same, cited work (2019) 265. He writes referring to Ivan Jordanov, in relation with the chart dated between 886 and 889, the disciples of Metod are informing the king Bulgarian, that their compagnons are imprisoned in the monastery of Zalavàr. That’s why the sovereign asks Georgios to write a letter to the abbot of the monastery of Zalavàr. But the name of Zalavàr is not cited here, but only Zalavar!

66 In Regensburg they have deposited the relics of Saint Emmeram, in 764 Tasilo made transport the relics of Saint Valantine to Passau, in 765 the bishop Arbeo deposited the rests of Saint Korbinian in Freising, finally bishop Virgil took care of the veneration of the relics of Saint Rupert and his compagnons in the cathedral of Salzburg. See Tamàs Notàri. A salzburgi historiogràfia kezdetei. (The beginning of the historiography of Salzburg.) Szegedi Középkortörténeti Könyvtàr 23. Sorozatszerkesztő Ferenc Makk. Szeged, 2007, 24.

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Also later the Moosburg near Freising is named in the charts, for example in 1043, when Henry III. gives the pasture situated at the north from Moosburg to the monastery of Moosburg (Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser. V. Berlin 1931, 140). This Moosburg is thus well isolated and from the view-point of our problem it will not play any more role. It is however difficult to decide, whether the Mosaburg cited in the sources of Karoling-period can be identified with a place situated in Carinthia or in Pannonia ? – asks Endre Tóth. (Denn oft fällt es schwer, zu entscheiden, ob das Mosaburg der karolingerzeitlichen Quellen nun mit der Ortschaft in Kärnten oder in Pannonien identisch ist.) Several persons made strong criticism already in the last decades of the XIX-th century placing Mosaburg in Zalavàr. « Now we should take the geographic view-point, whether we should look for the name Mosaburg in the vicinity of Balaton, near the Szala river ? » - wrote Ferenc Salamon in 1882, and he followed : « In the vicinity of Szala river and Balaton no one is able to show the traces of Mosaburg. On the contrary Stiria, Carinthia, Krajna show many Moos-types place names. » Referring to Koch Sternfeld, geograph scientist, he mentions that « at two hours from Klagenfurt there is an old fortified castle, that became already at the end of the IX-th century a royal palace (Pfalz), with the name Mosaburg and even today one can find it on the detailed plans , surrounded by swamps. » «  The other Moosburg was standing near Cilly in the past…The Mosaburg next to Klagenfurt was called by the Vends (Caranthans) living there Blatograd. » 67 « Otherwise there is also a brook name in Stiria, that is thus identical with Sala. Above Köflach one may find a brook named Salla, and a locality with the same name…Below Köflach we also find Mooskirchen next to the river. » The place name Moseburch/Mosaburg is very frequent in Carinthia, and this is also recognized by Endre Toth, but these data are given by the sources of the XII-XII-th centuries, that way they cannot demonstrate anything, following him, with respect to Mosaburg of the IX-th century. 68 This is however not so at all !

The system of fortification of O-Moosburg (Alten Moosburg) is composed of three bigger and one smaller isolated hills (Felshügel), that are emerging from a plain surrounded by 2 x 2 km, 600-1000 m high mountains situated at north from Wörthersee. The 45 x 250 m rockroof is surrounded by a swamp (Felsinsel), the level of which is 12 m below (Moorniveau). This island was surrounded initally by a swamp zone of 100 m width. Entering was only possible through two, probably protected, wooden bridge (Bohlenwege). From the south, a thick forest closed the swamp, at west was the high Gallinberg, at north Zingels and Freudenberg closed the entrance. At east there are Ratzeneggerberg and Seltenheimerberg. On three hills there were fortifications. At north and south was extending the roman army road. The entrances were easy to be closed. The charts call this place Moosburg already in 880, 888 and 889. The written sources are linking this place to emperor Arnolf in 1150. There was standing a tower, the so-called Arnolfsfeste, that was mentioned for the first time in a chart of 1370-th year. Later, in the new period, it was called erroneously Etzilburg. 69 Béla Miklós Szőke, in his most recent work, tries to make the source of Regino unauthentic, however these are true above discussion, that Mosapurh was in Carinthia, and their rests can be found there and not in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget! 70 On the territory of Moosburg of Carinthia, near Klagenfurt, at south from Feldkirchen and Gradenegg, archeologic excavations are carried out since 1959, 71 and materials of Arnulf-period, thus of the IX-th century were found. 72 In 1959 and 1961 F. X. Kohla made excavation on three hills.

67 Ferenc Salamon, Mosaburg és megyéje. (Mosaburg and its province.) (Kùtfő tanulmàny). Szàzadok 16 (1882) 108-109. 15

68 Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 442-443.

69 Moosburger Museumshefte 2 (1993) 27-31.

70 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 295-306.

71 Franz X. Kohla, Eine Versuchsgrabung in Moosburg. Carintia I. 150 (1960) 49-53. From the found documents the author declares : Die Art und Weise der Befestigung entspricht ganz karolingische Zeit (Curticula). – The same Zur Geschichte der Moosburg. Zweite Versuchsgrabung im Burgstall der alten Moosburg. Carintia 152 (1962) 233-248. – The same Die Wehrgestalt der alten Moosburg in Kärnten. Carintia 152 (1962) 79-91.

72 Kornél Bakay, cited work (1998) 266-267.

In Rauthügel they have found a low, dry walled protection wall, that led to a 5 m broad, gently ascendent exit. In the very west side, on the Thurnerhügel there was a fortified castle building that was difficult to be approached. The technique of the building was similar to that of the wall of the church of Karoling-period of Kornburg. This shows explicitly the preroman period (ausdrücklich vorromanisch). On the Arnulfshügel in the so-called Arnulfsturm, there was standing a 12 m high tower of quadratic plan, its height was 17 m, initially it had four floors. In 1992 Manfred Fuchs made excavation in Thurnerhügel, and even in the same year he continued his finding that began in 1990 at the ruines of the Saint Peter church belonging to Moosburg. The found materials , as the sumptuous chorus closing are unequivocally from the Karoling-period. At the ruines of Saint Peter church situated at 1.7 km from old Moosburg, that was burnt in 1879, they have found already in the beginning of the XX-th century, five stone hewing with decoration of plaited ruban and of shell. The tombs of the cemetery having a surface of 4000 m2 were in most of the cases without annexes, that shows that the buried were probably christian. They have found however a crescent moon pendentive , a fibula with boxes and a pearl with mosaic eye, that can be dated around the period of VIII-X-th century. The old Saint Peter church and the cemetery existed without interruption also in the Karoling-period. (Die Kirche und der Friedhof von St. Peter bei Moosburg bestanden ohne erkennbare Zäsur auch in der Karolingerzeit.) 73 During the excavation they found the rests of several ecclesiastic buildings, that were probably parts of Pfalzkirche.

József Stessel was already in 1906 looking for Mosaburg near Karnburg-Maria-Saal that is situated in place of ancient Karantana city near Klagenfurt, because this place is still today the residence of prelate and is the property of archbishop of Salzburg. 74 The partisans of the Privina-camp try to collect all the written sources to demonstrate their hypothesis. However, they do not take into account that the roman Pannonia did not become part of the frank empire and not only due to the fact that Charles the Great gave both Pannonia and Dacia to the emperor of Byzantium, 75 but also because in the IX-th century the name Pannonia was referred to a different province from that of the roman period. This is confirmed, for example by the emperor order of Lewis the Pious in 817 (ordinario imperii) that declares, »We will thus, it should belong to /German/ Lewis Baioaria, the Caranthans and Beheimanns (Czechs), and also Avars and Slaves who are living at east from the Bavarians (Item Hludowicus volumus ut habeat Baioariam et Carantanos et Beheimos et Avaros atque, Sclavos, qui ab orientali parte Baioariae sunt). The source is not mentioning Pannonia, because it deals with Austria, the region of Tulln. Only later after 1042 one is mentioning the valley of Lajta, as bavarian territory. In 984, prince Géza owned the fortified castle of Melk (Medelich) and only gradually became the property of Germans the region between Lajta and Fischa. 76 But the localization of Pannonia Inferior is not univocal. What is certain that the rebel Liudevit in 818 was dux of Pannonia Inferior. 77 This territory is between Drave and Savus, and also

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Caranthania and Stajer country. The army against Liudevit went to Pannonia, and Liudevit escaped to Siscia city, to the Sorbs. 78 Thus Avaria, together with Sclavinia meant other territory than earlier. Lewis the Pious king (813-843) gave to the Church of Passau in 836 a place that was in the province of Avars, that is called Kirichbach (in provintia Auarorum in loco, qui dicitur Kirichbach). 79 In 859 German Lewis eastern frank king (843-876) gives to the monks of Saint Emmeram of Regensburg the fiscal property of Tulln situated in the region of Pannonia (unius fisci, qui vocatur Tullina, situs in regione Pannonia). 80

73 Stefan Eichert, Die frühmittelalterlichen Grabfunde Kärntens. Forschung und Kunst 37 (2010) 90-99.

74 József Stessel, cited work (1906) 269.

75 Ekkehard, MGH VI. Ed. H. Pertz, Hannoverae, 1844, 173.

76 F. Albin Gombos, cited work (1911) 502, 507.

77 Quellen zur karolingischen Reichsgeschichte 1. Theil. Hrsg. Reinhold Rau. Ausgewählte Quellen zur Deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters (AQDGM) V. WBG Darmstadt, 1955, 17.

78 AQDGM V. 128.

79 MMFH III. 34.

80 MMFH III. 49.

In 864 Lewis king gave to archbishop Adalwin of Salzburg the places Labenza and Wisitindorf that were in Pannonia (in Pannonia, id est ad Labenza ad Wisitindorf…). 81 Labenza is identical with Lafnitz, but Wisitindorf was also hereby. Endre Tóth mentions, that prince Arnolf was the Lord of Carinthia and also of Pannonia between 876 and 887, and after his mounting to the throne (887) he has edited several charts in Mosaburg. Nowadays this Mosaburg is genarally identified with Moosburg in Carinthia. 82 In the itinerarium 83 of emperor and king Arnulf (887-899) it is written, that in January of 888 Arnolf (Arnulf) stays in Regensburg, on 18-th of February in Öttingen, on 20-th of February he edits a chart in Braunau. Later he follows his road to the east. In Alterhof (Altersee) of Austria-Superior on the 23-rd of February of 888 he edits a chart, followed by 13-th and 19-th of March in Mosaburg and finally on the 1-st of April in St. Florian of Austria-Superior. He returned to Regensburg on the 13-th of April of 888. Several authors, in a speculative manner, tried to demonstrate, that the emperor could only go to Balaton, to Zalavàr, because otherwise, in the case of Moosburg of Carinthia, he should have crossed the Alps twice, that (as one says) would have been very difficult. If, however, Mosaburg were at Zalavàr-Vàrsziget, or would have been, in this case he should not cross the Alps. It was sufficient to Endre Tóth to localize Mosaburg near Balaton and (believed) authentication, a hypothesis of Istvàn Bóna, a thought, that on the 21-st of March of 890 Arnulf edited a chart in Mosaburc regia civitas being in Zalasziget! This could be confirmed by the Annales of Fulda, in which it is written in 890-th year, that by travelling to Pannonia the king organized a general meeting (generale conventum) in the middle of Lent (on the 18-th of March) with prince Zwentibald in the place that is called simply Omuntesperch. This place could be between the Enns river and the forest of Vienna, if it is identical with Omuntesdorf, 84 or perhaps it was in Corinthia. 85 They affirm, that there was not enough time to edit a chart in Mosaburg, that’s why certain persons believe, that there was a mistake and they have written Mosaburg instead of Regensburg. This is a lamentable hypothesis. Even Endre Tóth rejected it.

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The Annales of Fulda at the 884-th year write about the discussion between the emperor and prince Zwentibald and his nobelmen in Monte Comiano near river Tullina, when they swear fidelity. After that prince Braslav arrived, who was reigning in that time the country between Dravus and Savus (Postea veniente Braslavoni duce, qui in id tempus regnum inter Dravo et Savo flumine tenuit suique miliciae subditus adiungitur). 86 Due to the uncertainty of the written sources, one is considering the most important bases of the demonstration, being the newer results of the archeologic excavations. The excavations (after the researches of Flóris Rómer and Viktor Récsey of the XIX-th century) began in 1946 and 1948, with the lead of Aladàr Radnóti followed by that of Géza Fehér. Later Ágnes Cs. Sós led the excavations until 1991/1993. From 1998 Béla Miklós Szőke became the head of excavations. Zalavàr-Vàrsziget has an L-shape, 12 hectares surface at the southern part of which was a fortification, surrounded by a broad (12 m) and deep (2.5 m) rempart-ditch of west-east direction.

81 MMFH III. 64.

82 König Arnulf hat in Moosburg drei Urkunden ausgestellt, und zwar am 13. März 888, am 19. März un dam 20 Jänner 889. See Ausstellungskatalog. « 1100 Jahre Moosburg. » Moosburg 1998, 11-12.

83 Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 449.

84 Samu Szàdeczky-Kardoss, cited work (1998) 281: Omuntesdorf cannot be identified! – József Deér, Karl der Grosse und der Untergang des Awarenreiches. Düsseldorf, 1965, 743.

85 The Annales of Fulda. Fuldai évkönyvek. Annales Fuldenses. Translated by Mathias Darvas. Budapest, MKI Kiadvànyai 5, 2019, 344-345. – Reinhold Rau, cited work 150-151. Following the 94-th note, an unknown place near Forest of Vienne. Some tried to identify with Pannonhalma. Fritz Zimmermann, on the contrary, tried to identify Omuntesberg wyh Omunkfalva (today’s Petri) near Nagykanizsa. Fritz Zimmermann, Die vormagyarische Besiedlung des burgenländischen Raumes. Eisenstadt, 1954, 45-46.

86 Fuldai Évkönyvek (Annales of Fulda), cited work (2019) 328-329, 344-345. The whole part was surrounded by an earth rempart with poles between the walls with hedge yarn. This place was surrounded by a fence wall made by oak wooden beam of quadratic section. They have also found a wooden building, they believed being a church (the church of Saint John the Baptist ?). The whole territory was surrounded by a fence (palisade) composed of poles the rests of which came to light. The excavations showed that they were made of oak without pedicel. 

87 The Vàrsziget, following the discoverers, can be divided in three parts : the southern part, protected by remparts, more in the north a territory protected by a fence wall, here could stand two wooden palaces (the one 112 m2, the other 72 m2) and in the east a fore fortified castle, that is presently unknown. The results of the former findings were reconsidered after 1998 (see below). But are the cited sources referring to this territory ? Did they refute the counterproofs ? This fortification is dated at the second half of the IX-th century on the basis of which proofs ? At the end several Hungarian fortified castles were built with such a structure in the X-th and the XI-th century. 

88 At the fortified count castle of Győr the excavator emphasized, that Es gab also gar keine Spur eines grossen awarischen Zentrums, das man hier etwa hätte vermuten können. In the great avar centre of Győr it was not possible to find avar traces, why is it possible to hypothesize a slavic

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fortification in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget ? In Győr it was possible to isolate the clan fortified castle and the count fortified castle. The same could not be demonstrated in the case of Somogyvàr-Kupavàr. 89 Endre Tóth takes only one line and a half (!) of the study of the study of Ferenc Salamon, noting that, he guessed that way (wähnte), that the Mosaburg of Conversio is identical with Moosburg of Carinthia, not even mentioning the works of Zsigmond Fekete, József Stessel and Kornél Bakay. 90 Although the source study published in Szàzadok 16 (1882) shows unambiguously that the theory built on the Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum 91 considered as main source is without truth, but Tóth behaves as if his affirmations were undemolishable fondamental truths. 92 His arguments were divided in three parts. In the first part he put those referring surely (mit Sicherheit) to places in Pannonia, in the second one referring to Carinthia and the third one the citations to be discussed.

Those written sources, following which Mosaburg was or could have been in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget of Pannonia, are based on speculations on the redactions of Conversio. The text of the Conversio cannot be a proof on what is just in discussion, and what we would like to demonstrate. This is falsification of history. 93

87 Béla Miklós Szőke, Mosaburg – ein neues Zentrum der Klein-Balaton-Region und seine Beziehungen zu Keszthely-Fenékpuszta. In. Keszthely-Fenékpuszta, im Spiegel der Jahrtausende, Az évezredek tükrében. (In the mirror of thousends of years.) Leipzig-Zalaegerszeg, 2009, 93-100. – Andràs Gryneus, Famaradvànyok a 9. és 10. szàzadból. In : A Kàrpàt-medence a Karoling-korban és a honfoglalàs koràban. A MNM àllandó kiàllitàsa. (The Carpathian-basin in the Karoling-period and the Arpàd-conquest. The permanent exposition of MNM.) Szerk. Katalin Gergely and Ágnes Ritoók. MNM Budapest, 2014, 129-134.

88 For example Abaùjvàr surrounded by the aqueous, swampy surface of Hernàd, the fortified castle with wooden construction (Kastenbau-konstruktion) and rempart wall of 3.9 ha surface. The rests of wooden beam were in good shape. See Judith Gàdor-Gyula Novàki, Ausgrabung in der Erdburg von Abaùjvàr. Acta Archaeologica ASH 28 (1976) 425-431. The same, Ausgrabung in der Erdburg von Abaùjvàr. Eine Kirche in der Gespanschaftsburg. Acta Archaeologica ASH 32 (1980) 444-454. This rempart structure was well spread in Hungary (Borsod, Hont, Moson, Sopron, etc.), but also in Europe. In Sopron the rempart was at least 5 m high, 20 m broad and 1200 m long. See Péter Tomka, Erforschung der Gespanschaftsburgen im Komitat Győr-Sopron. Acta Archaeologica ASH 28 (1976) 397.

89 Kornél Bakay, cited work (2011).

90 Zsigmond Fekete, Hol volt..hol nem volt Pribina orszàga ? (Where was..where was not the country of Pribina ?) 1880. Új kiadàsa : (New edition :) Népszerű Történelmi Füzetek 3. Ősi Gyökér kiadàsa, Buenos Aires, 1978 . – József Stessel, Zalavàr és Pécs Privina tartomànyàban. (Zalavàr and Pécs in the province of Privina.) Szàzadok 36 (1902) 832-839. The same, Zalavàr és Mosaburg ; (Zalavàr and Mosaburg.) Szàzadok 40 (1906) 268-270. – Kornél Bakay, Őstörténetünk régészeti forràsai II. (The archeologic sources of our ancient history II.) Miskolc, 1998, 253-267.

91 Herwig Wolfram, Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum. Das Weissbuch der Salzburger Kirche über die erfolgreiche Mission in Karantanien und Pannonien. H. Böhlau Nachf. Wien-Köln-Graz, 1979, 34-58.

92 He does not even mention the studies contradicting or questioning their hypotheses. He does not take knowledge of them, that way his work has no credit and looses its value.

93 Zsigmond Fekete wrote : « If such a history writing is no lie, then lie does not exist in the world ! »

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The Conversio relates (Cap. 1.) that Theodo dux made an agreement (licentiam) with Rupert saint man (sancto viro), that they choose for himself and for his men, in the territory they like, a convenient place to build churches of God and other houses serving for the ecclesiastic activity. 94 After getting the authorization, the above-mentioned man of the Lord, going along the Danube valley (per alveum Danubii usque ad fines Pannoniae inferioris iter arripuit) navigated as far as the end territory of Pannonia Inferior, spreading the grains of eternal life. Following the last sentence of 3-rd chapter « Those Huns (Avars) who were obedient to the true faith and gained the baptism and became the tributary of the tax for the king (tributarios fecerunt regum) and their land, that possess while staying there, they can hold until today if paying tax to the king (usque in hodiernum diem). This agreement can be understood on the basis of authorization of Charles the Great of 791-st year, when the Church of Bavaria got right to the possibility of occupying territories in Avaria during the spreading of faith (Schon daraus, dass Karl der Grosse nach 791 den Kirchen Baierns die generelle Ermächtigung erteilte, von dem Boden der Avaria nach Belieben Besitz zu ergreifen 95). Ferenc Salamon has summerized this way the discussed hypothesis : « on the territory of our Balaton should have stood a settlement of German kings and of the archbishops of Salzburg, a little before the conquest of Árpàd around 850-870. An entire county or principality should have been that we could name property of Privina, the first Slavic governor, from his capital Mosaburg province. The capital itself could have been laid at the south-western corner of Balaton ; its province extended up to Stiria, because Pettau (Bettobia) belonged to it, otherwise it has finished in the mouth of Drave because Pécs (Ad Quinque Basilicas), as one is pretending, was included in it. Thus it had at least today’s Baranya, Somogy and Zala. » 96 « In the Conversio prepared by Anonymous of Salzburg, there are thirty four place names, among which are emerging Quinque Basilicas, Salapiugin, Mosaburg and Sana/Sala river. For these names of German resonance, the persons believing in the hypothesis did not even try, following my knowledge , to find their traces near Balaton, » - wrote Ferenc Salamon in 1882. Quinque Basilicas cannot be the name of Pécs, enlightened immediately Salamon, and Tóth arrived at the same conclusion, only after 109 years ! 97 After this he is looking for the discussed place at some place in South-western Transdanubia, in Zala province, in Slovenia or in Steiermark. 98 The main « proof » of putting Mosaburg in Transdanubia is the Sala river and Mosaburg place name. The Sala river has also the name Sana, and some put arbitrarily on the name of our Zala river. 99 The historians of the archbishopric of Salzburg in the XVIII-th century are mentioning the Sana river in the territory of the county of Cillei belonging to Austria Inferior. In the Annales Regni Francorum at the 790-th year they are mentioning, that king Charles (768-814) navigated on the Majn to his palace, that was built near Sala river (Rex autem…per Moenum fluvium ad Saltz palatium suum in Germania iuxta Salam fluvium constructum navigavit 100). But Sana is also the name of an affluent of Szàva, in Stajer country. In the Conversio the name was also written this way, but citing the source W. Wattenbach « transcribed » it.

94 Samu Szàdeczky-Kardoss, Az avar történelem forràsai 557-806-ig. (The sources of the Avar history until 557-806.) Magyar Őstörténeti Könyvtàr 12. Balassi Kiadó, Budapest, 1998, 225. Our translation does not fit completely with it. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 375. /Hrodbertus/ « began to ask Theodo prince, to give him the power of authorization on the place, in order to be able to clear up the/ forest/(this is not mentioned in the text !) the places (ad extirpanda et purificanda loca) and there he could introduce the ecclesiastic service (ecclesiasticum officium) »…

95 József Deér, cited work (1965) 751.

96 Ferenc Salamon, cited work, (1882) 93.

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97 The Quinque Basilicae is not a place name, emphasized József Stessel, Zalavàr and Pécs in the province of Privina. Szàzadok 36 (1902) 832-839. This was already known by Istvàn Horvàt in 1819 !

98 Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 442.

99 MGH Scriptorum. XI. Hannoverae, 1854, 12-th, 54-th and 55-th notes together with 14-th, 64-th notes.

100 Fontes ad historiam regni francorum aevi Karolini illustrandam. Quellen zur karolingischen Reichsgeschichte. Erster Teil. Neubearbeitet Reinhold Rau. AQDGH V. WBG Darmstadt, 1955, 58. The river Sala = the frank Saale. The Anonymous of Salzburg has written his work entitled Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum based on the commission of archbishop Adalwin (859-873), in order to inform king German Lewis (843-876) around 869/871. Several people consider it « as the most important authentic document concerning the IX-th century ethnic, political and ecclesiastic situation in Pannonia. » 

101 However, it is propaganda paper, 

102 with many conjurings, many side-slips, by manipulating the subjective view-points, by later intercalations. Hans-Dietrich Kahl wrote about it, « it makes a rash game on the border of truth, its statements are just unquestionable for the readers well informed, for those inexperienced it opens numerous different combination possibilities and even inspires the author being well aware of the facts and the duty, and he affects nicety or subtlty in thought, he is conjuring the undesired and dangerous relations and facts and putting together events that are far away from each other. » 

103 His purpose becomes evident by putting aside the facts, for example, when he does not say a single word of the role of the patriarch of Aquilea in baptizing the Avars… In fact, he projects the situation around 870 in an anachronic manner to the very past, when he speaks about a diocese of Pannonia Inferior surrounded by Danube-Drave-Raab as a theatre of the evangelizing activity of Salzburg in the Charles the Great period. In fact, this theatre included the places at the west of Raab. Only in 830 became Raab the border line between the dioceses of Salzburg and Passau. »

104 Th Anonymous author wanted to write the history of the origin of diocese of Salzburg, confirming the list of properties in this historical memoir. The very big extension of the Karoling empire and its colourful society required the stable fixation of the right. The Anonymous starts with the roman period, (Cap. 3.) and tells that the first Slavic nations were the Quarantans (Sclavi, qui dicuntur Quarantani) entering in contact with the Frank empire, with the Bavarians, they embraced the christianity (baptismum sunt consecuti), and later (Cap. 4.) he mentions the prince Quarantan Boruth, his son, Chetimar, who was already believer christian (752-769). The Huns (Avars) began to press very much the Quarantans. Boruth called the Bavarians for help against the Avars. With the help of the Bavarians they expelled the Huns, nevertheless the Quarantans became vassal of the Bavarians, to whom they had to pay tax (tributarios fecerunt regem). After this (Cap. 6.) he tells the events occurred in Pannonia Inferior, at south of Danube. The names Pannonia Inferior and Pannonia Superior (Upper Pannonia) were however in that time of ecclesiastic geographic meaning. Following several people (Istvàn Bóna, Samu Szádeczky-Kardoss) the diocese of Salzburg was called Pannonia Inferior. 105 After the expulsion of the Huns, Slaves settled and this part of Pannonia was joined to the diocese of Iuvavium (Salzburg) (illa pars Pannoniae ad diocesim Iuvavensem conversa est). Later he tells, how emperor Charles expelled the Huns (Avars) in 796 and this he could do almost without résistance (minime resistentes reddiderunt).

In the same year emperor Charles sent his son, Pippin to Hunia with a great army and then they went ahead and arrived at their famous settlement (ad celebrem eorum locum), which is called Rinch (ring) and where all their princes surrended to Pippin. He (thus emperor Charles) consigned to Arno, bishop of Salzburg, the part around lake Balaton of Pannonia Inferior (partem Pannoniae circa lacum Pelissa inferioris), at the other side of river called Raba (ultra fluvium, qui dicitur Hrapa), as far as

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river Dravus (usque ad Dravum fluvium) and the mouth of Dravus into Danube (usque ubi Dravus fluit in Danubium), that 106 he occupied with military force.

101 Korai magyar történeti lexikon (9-14. szàzad). (Lexicon of early Hungarian History (9-14-th century)) Főszerkesztő Gyula Kristó, szerkesztők Pàl Engel és Ferenc Makk. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, 1994, 141-142. The author of the paper is Béla Miklós Szőke – See Teréz Olajos, A IX. szàzadi avar történelem görög nyelvű forràsai. (The sources of Greek langage of the Avar history of the IX-th century.) Szegedi Középkortörténeti Könyvtàr 16. Szeged, 2001, 163.

102 Die Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum als frühmittelalterliche Propagandaschrift.

103 He cites : Tamàs Notàri, A salzburgi historiogràfia kezdetei. (The beginning of historiography of Salzburg.) Szegedi Középkortörténeti Könyvtàr 23. Sorozatszerkesztő : Ferenc Makk. Szeged, 2017, 238. The research results of Hans-Dietrich Kahl are deeply treatened by Béla Miklós Szőke (cited work, 2019, 295-306 and 501-502), but due to his preconception, he is very narrow-minded and tries in all costs to demonstrate that his statements are without credit.

104 Samu Szàdeczky-Kardoss, Az avar történelem forràsai 557-töl 806-ig. (The sources of Avar history from 557 to 806.) Magyar Őstörténeti Könyvtàr 12. A sorozatot szerkeszti Istvàn Zimonyi. Balassi Kiadó, Budapest, 1998, 304.

105 Samu Szàdeczky-Kardoss, cited work (1998) 294.

/As/ for the governing of the remained people from Huns and Slaves (populum), for the teaching of christian principles and organizing the ecclesiastic life (ecclesiastico officio). As long as his father, emperor Charles is not decreeing personally of this. Later the emperor went to the Bavarians, in October to Salzburg, and there he repeated and reinforced, in presence of many believers, the absolute power he gave to his son and declared that the gifts he gave to his son could not be changed for ever (in aevum inconvulsam).

The archbishop of Salzburg, Arno, committed the conversion of the Avars to a bishop in mission (episcopus chori), Deodericus (Theoderich) (Cap. 8.). Arno, archbishop of Salzburg has ordained Theoderich, following the order of the emperor, bishop. Later Arno and Gerold comes went to Sclavinia and gave to the prince the territory of the Quarantans (regionem Carantanorum) and the border region at west of Dràva (confines eorum occidentali parte Dravi fluminis) 107 as far as the mouth of Dràva into Danube. This became the territory of bishop Theoderich , 108 in order to be able to govern the people…and to make built and consacrate churches (ecclesias constructas dedicasset)…recognizing the juridiction of the archbishop of Salzburg. 109 Already Ferenc Salamon made clear, that the alfa of the Mosaburg-problem is how we judge the geographic information of the author of the Conversio. It is obvious that he knew about Balaton, and seen from the west, he put it correctly beyond the river Ràba. However, it is difficult to accept, that the vicinity of Keszthely could have been part of Pannonia Inferior, that part always belonged to Pannonia Superior. 110 The roman Pannonia province included later Transdanubia, Croatia and today’s Austria Inferior. The separation line was north-south direction, thus Pannonia Superior was the western side, Pannonia Inferior the eastern side. Later, in the IV-th century West-Transdanubia got the name Pannonia Prima, eastern side Pannonia Valeria, the western side of the Dràva-Sàva interval Pannonia Savia, the Dràva-Sàva interval yet Pannonia Secunda. Under the domination of the Avars on the western side was conserved the name Pannonia Superior and this name we can find during the frank-avar wars as far as the Ràba line. This geographic name was never written by the author of the Conversio ! The Pannonia of Charles the Great contained Carinthia (provincia

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Carantanorum) and the territory of today’s Austria (the former Noricum 111). Otherwise Pannonia Superior became the Ràba-Danube interval including the Vienna-basin and Tulln-basin. 112 South-east Hungary was never frank province ! 113 It seems that Ferenc Salamon is right also on that point, that the author of the Conversio had no clear idea of Pannonia Inferior, nor of the situation of Carinthia and of Stiria. It is more realistic hypothesizing that in the IX-th century « the two Pannonias were divided in northern and southern parts, instead of eastern and western parts. » 114 The surface of Pannonia Inferior became smaller at the Dràva and Sàva interval, but became bigger in the northern part. 115

106 Samu Szàdeczky-Kardoss, cited work (1998) 304.

107 The expression « At the west of the Danube » is said erroneous (MEH 2002, 291, 440-th note), but it is not ! From the upper side of Dràva, the Quarantans were living at the west.

108 Some do not recognize the diocese Quarantan-Pannonia of Theoderich. See Istvàn Bóna, Cunpald fecit. A petőhàzi kehely és a frank térités kezdetei a Dunàntulon. III. (The chalice of Petőhàza and the beginning of the frank apostolate in Transdanubia. III.) Soproni Szemle 18 (1964) 34.

109 See MEH 2002, 190.

110 Although there is such an author, who considers the county of Privina or the thought territory expanding as far as Pécs, Pannonia Superior. See Tamàs Notàri, cited work (2017) 261.

111 Noricorum siquidem provincia, quam Baioarium populus inhabitat, habet ab oriente Pannoniam, ab occidente Suaviam, a meridie Italiam, ab aquilonis vero parti Danubii fluenta. See Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum – Geschichte der Langobarden. Hrsg. Wolfgang F. Schwarz. WBG Darmstadt, 2009, 210.

112 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) and the same, Das Karpatenbecken in der Karolingerzeit. – The same, cited work (2019) 166-175. For the unclear understanding of the geographic data see Péter Püspöki Nagy, cited work (1982) 10., 17.

113 Sàndor Màrki, A középkor kezdete Magyarorszàgon. (The beginning of the Middle Age in Hungary.) Szàzadok 24 (1890) 319.

Also in the work of Béla Miklós Szőke there are diverging definitions referring to Pannonia Inferior. The interval Dràva-Szàva with the centre Siscia is Pannonia Inferior, that ecclesiasticly belongs to the apostolate of the district of Aquilea. 116 In 811 the Dràva-Szàva interval, as Pannonia Inferior becomes one of the provinces of the Karoling empire. They have sent also an army to Pannonia, in order to stop the controversy between the Huns and the Slaves (in Pannonias ad controverias Hunorum et Sclavorum finiendas). 117 Provinces of Baranya and Zala are the southern part of Pannonia Superior and after the reform of 828-th year a question remains, whether Pannonia - Inferior remains or becomes one of the four counties stemming from the duchy of Friaul ? 118 Pannonia Superior (the Transdanubia) and Pannonia Inferior (the western side of Dràva-Sàva interval) that remained under Karoling rule, becomes under juridiction of Ratbod. 119 Until the military expedition of 846-th year of Geman Lewis the southern border of Karoling Pannonia was at the Dràva.

Anonymous author of the Conversio (Cap. 10.), after communicating that he wants to show the truth as are written in the chronicles of the Frank and Bavarian emperor and kings (prout veracius in chronicis imperatorum et regnum Francorum et Bagoariorum scriptum reperrimus), he writes that on the above-mentioned territory the Slavic and Bavarian peoples started to settle and become

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numerous (populi sive Sclavi vel Baioarii inhabitare terram). When all these happened, Ratbod took the defence of the borders (His ita peractis Ratbodus suscepit defensionem termini).

The situation becomes more complicated, because in the sources on the territory of Austria-Superior there are Sclavinia, Avaria and later even here Pannonia. (The Avar reservatum between Savaria and Carnuntum). 120

In the 14-th chapter of Conversio there is once again the eastern part of Pannonia : « A tempore igitur, quo dato et praecepto domni Karoli imperatoris orientalis Pannoniae populus a Iuvavensibus regi coepit praesulibus, usque in praesens tempus sunt anni LXXV…I.e. since the time, when following the gift and recommandation of lord emperor Charles, the prelates of Salzburg started to govern the people of East-Pannonia, until our time 75 years passed. » Here obviously Pannonia Inferior stayed for East-Pannonia. 121

The Dràva and the Sàva interval and also Stiria and Carinthia stayed under the jurisdiction of the German king in the IX-th century, and a comes named Salacho governed it. Of this the Anonymous was also aware. In the 10-th chapter we read : » When all these happened, the defence of the border fell on Ratbod. In his time a certain Privina (quidam Priwina) was expelled by Mojmir, the prince of Moraves (dux Maravorum), and went to Ratbod, trans the Danube (supra Danubium).

He was presented soon to the lords and to king Lewis, and on his order he was converted, and later he was baptized in the church Saint Martin, which domain (curtis) belongs to the archdiocese of Salzburg.

114 Mathias Hardt, Pannonien zwischen Römer und Karolingerzeit – ein Überblick In : Keszthely-Fenékpuszta im Spiegel der Jahrtausende – Az ezredévek tükrében. (In the mirror of thousends of years.) Leipzig-Zalaegerszeg, 2009, 7-12.

115 Anno 825 imperator Ludovicus, formate ex orientalibus imperii provinciis, e ducatu videlicet Baioariae, marca orientali, Pannonia (inter Danubium et Dravum) et Carantania, Baioariae regno, tradidit illud tertio filio suo. Thus Pannonia inferior is Carantania and also the Dràva and the Szàva interval ! Documenta historiae Chroaticae periodum antiquam. Ex. Dr. Fr. Rački. Monumenta spectantia. VII. Zagrabiae, 1877, 333. Anno. 828.

116 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) 25. – The same, cited work (2019) 133-186. 

117 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) 37. – Fuldai Évkönyvek, cited work (2019) 80-81.

118 Baldericus dux Forojuliensis cum propter eius ignaviam bulgari fines Pannoniae superioris impune vastassent, honoribus privatus, et marca quam solus tenuit inter IIII comites divisa est ? See Màthàs Flóriàn, A magyarok első hadjàratai Europàban. Értekezések a történeti tudomànyok köréből XVII. (The first military expéditions of Hungarians in Europe. Studies from the historical sciences XVII.) MTA Budapest, 1898, 11 – Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) 43.

119 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) 50.

120 Istvàn Bóna, A magyar föld régészete és története a római uralom végétől a magyar honfoglalàsig. (The archeology and history of the Hungarian land from the roman empire to the conquest of Árpàd.) Doktori értekezés tézisei. Budapest, 1972, on the 30-31-st pages he summerized : «  From the conquested part of the former Avar empire Charles the Great included only the uninhabited part directly into his empire. The part named « Avaria » or province (terra Avarorum) extended from Enns to Vienna forest with chief town Lauracum. From the parts near Enns of today’s Austria Superior and Steier country they formed the province « Sclavinia », taken obviously from the Slaves of the Alps. » See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 115-126.

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121 Wolfram, cited work Conversio 56-57. – See MEH 2002, 195. Later Privina became confident of Ratbod and stayed with him some time. Among other a conflict was created between them and for fear Privina escaped to the territory of the Bulgarians, his son Kocel (Chozil) was also with him. Not much later he went to the territory of prince Ratimar. In this time Lewis king of the Bavarians sent Ratbod with a great army to hunt prince Ratimar. Seeing that he could not defend oneself, he run away from the bloody skirmish. The mentioned Privina remained in life and with his people he crossed the Szàva, where count Salacho recieved him and he made peace with Ratbod once again. A certain Privina appeared but we do not know who he is in fact ? 122 Until 833 he is prince of  Neutra, from here he was expelled by Mojmir in the first part of 833.  123 When did he get property ? Following the chart dated from 12-th of October 847, he only got property from German Lewis king as a vassal. 124 He could get own property later (after 847). « It was reported to Pious Lewis king that Privina is benevolent in the service of God and also in his service (Priwina benivolus fuit erga dei servitium et suum). That’s why following the several advices of his partisans, he yielded as an own property, what he was possessing only as a vassal. (Quibusdam suis fidelibus saepius ammonentibus concessit illi in proprium totum, quod prius habuit in beneficium » Cap. 12.), except those properties that belonged to the diocese of Salzburg. Following a chart dated from 846/847 Briwina got 100 manses next to river Valchau (Ludovicus rex concedit pleno iure Briwino centum mansos iuxta fluvium Valchau). 126 Let us continue reading the 11-th chapter of Conversio.  127 « In this time the king, once, following the requirements of the cited partisans, gave to Privina a property near river Sana  128 /Sala in Pannonia Inferior (in beneficium partem circa fluvium, qui dicitur Sala). Then he settled there and built a fortification (munimen aedificare), in one swampy part of Sala (in quodam nemore et palude Salae fluminis). 129 From every parts came people (Béla Miklós Szőke wrote with enthusiasm, that « colons came from half of Europe » 130), « and a great multitude was in his territory (multum ampliari in terra illa). » On the construction, notes the excavating archeolog, they used unified the 34 cm Karoling foot. 131

122 It is possible that the wife of Privina was originating from a powerful German lineage, above all, his son Kocel could be a relative of brothers Engildeo and Aribo. This could explane the properties of Privina near Walhau. See Fritz Zimmermann, cited work (1954) 108.

123 Korai magyar történeti lexikon (Lexikon of early Hungarian history), cited work 559.

124 Urkundenbuch des Burgenlandes (UB) 1. Graz-Köln, 1955, 4.

125 Magnae Moraviae Fontes Historici (MMFH) III. Red. Lubomir Havlik. Brno, 1969, 41. – Wolfram, cited work Conversio 54.

126 It is possible, that river Walchau mentioned in 972 around Wachova was at the left of Danube. F. Albin Gombos, cited work (1911) 500-501. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 203-205.

127 Wolfram, cited work Conversio 50-53.

128 Balthasaris Adamis Kercselich de Corbavia, De regno Dalmatiae, Croatiae, Sclavoniae notitiae. Periodus II. Sclavoniae & Croatiae. Zagrabiae, 1770, 77-78. He communicated so the 12-th chapter of Conversio : Aliqua vero occasione iterum percepta, rogantibus praedicti Regus fidelibus, praestitit Rex Priuuinae aliquam inferioris Pannoniae in beneficium partem, circa fluvium, qui dicitur Sava, alii ponunt : Sana ! Tunc coepit ille (hoc est Privina) ibi habitare & munimen aedificare in quodam

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memore, & Palasselede fluminis, & circumquaque populos congregare. Hanficzius existimat, locum Privinae fuisse a Sana fluvio, & hodierna Cillea, consequenter partes Zagoriae, tam modernae inferioris Stiriae, quam & Comitatus Varasdiensis. Oppidum, Castrum, que a Privinna constructum, esse intra Cilleam & Petovium, appellatum hodie Marburch. Conversio cap. 13. : Anno ergo 865 (ita Anonym)… celebravit in Castro Hezilonis noviter Moseburch vocato, quod illi successit, moriente patre suo Privina, quem Moravi occiderunt. Haec vero tum inferior Sclavinia, cum inferiore Stiria Privinae, ac post hunc Heziloni obtigerit. In the text of Vita S. Ruperti it is written, that king Lewis before 873 gave property around river Savus (Sava) !

129 Ferenc Salamon translated it in a manner that next to some lake of Sala river, because palus also means lake. However Herwig Wolfram wrote : in der sumpfigen Waldlandschaft der Sala, cited work Conversio 53. – M. Koš wrote : On se tam tehdy usidil a zacal budovat v jakemsi bazinatem hay reku sàly. MMFH IV. 312. We can experience that in several source publications they identify the place names in the sources with the place names in Hungary, arbitrarily and without proof. It is exceptionally astonishing the action of Hans Wagner and coworkes (at the volumes of Urkundenbuch des Burgenlandes), where for example they « translate » Salabiugiti (Salapiugin) simply Zalabér, Waltungesbach Egyhàzasbük, Hrabagiskeit Kecskéd, Slougenzin Szölcz, Chirisstettin Boldogasszonyfa, etc. UB I. 5.

After this, without any organization follows a sentence : « For him, first archbishop Adalram consacrated a self consacrated church on the place Nitrava in Transdanubia. » And he follows the story : « After having constructed the above-mentioned fortification (munimen), in its interior,, before other things, he constructed a church (construxit infra primitus ecclesiam), that was consacrated by archbishop Liupram at the honor of God’s Mother Mary, when he visited the fortified castle (castrum) in 850-th year, when he exercised his sacerdotal duty with authorization on this territory. » 132 The Anonymous of Salzburg does not say what was the name of the place, where Privina made built a fortification and a church, but enumerates 13 place names (Dudleipin, Ussitin, Businiza, Bettobia, Stepiliperc, Lindolves-chirichun, Quinque Basilicas, Otachares-chirichun, Paldmuntes-chirichun 133), and before this he cites 27 person names (Liupram archbishop, Erchambert bishop, Erhanfried bishop, Hartwig bishop, Karlomann, Hludowic, Ernust, Ratpot, Werinheri, Pabo, Fritilo, Tacholf, Deotrich, Waninc, Gerolt, Liutolt, Deotheri, Wolfregi, Iezi, Egilolf, Puopo, Adalperth, Megingoz, Adalperth, Odalrih, Pernger, Managolt), who were present. These witnesses saw and heard the agreement (complacitationem), that was created on that day, when they consacrated the church, i.e. on 24-th of January, between Liupram and Privina. Part of the place names are person names and all these and the names of the witnesses are German names 134, that are correctly reported by the author Anonymous. Ferenc Salamon was right confirming that the author was German and he used the German person names, because he did not know the Slavic place names. The chirchin or chirichun is sensational, because obviously it means Kirche, i.e. church, but among the Slavic people crkva (cerkov) should stand for the name of the church. 136 When they consacrated this church, i.e. on the 24-thof January 850, « then Privina gave to the hand and to the power of archbishop Liupram his presbytery Dominik (Domonkos) and Liupram allowed the presbytery to celebrate the mass in the diocese, and committed the church and the spiritual care of the people (populum 137), as the presbyteri ordo prescribes. » 138 Ferenc Salamon has demonstrated, that the Anonymous author has mixed up the proceeding of the church-consacration and the gift of the property. The presence of witnesses only needs in the last case. This is confirmed by the following text : « In the same time the pontiff (pontifex) went with Kocel (cum Chezil) and consacrated the church of Sandratus (but where ?) in the presence of the above-mentioned men, Kocel gave land, forest and meadows (territorium, silvam ac prata), and in the above-written place there was the visit of the border (circumdixit hoc ipsum terminum).

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130 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2002) 98.

131 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2009) 94.

132 Péter Juhàsz, cited work (2017) makes a hypothesis, that there was Mosaburg (Blatenski Grad) also in Carinthia and Pannonia, as a Karoling court, thus Liupram archbishop could consacrate for Privina the God’s Mother (Mary) church in Zalavàr. This « compromised » proposition is the weakness of the work.

133 Ferenc Salamon tried to identify the place names. Dudleipi=Leibnitz, in Stiria; Ussitin=Utschbach, perhaps in Styria Inferior ; Buzinica=Bösnitz, Stiria; Bettobia=Pettau, Poetovio, Ptuj; Stepiliperc=Stefelberg, Stiria Inferior; Keisi=Geissen, in Stiria; See Ferenc Salamon, cited work (1882) 120-121.

134 Imre H. Tóth, cited work (1981) following 113-th from the 32 names 15 Slavic, 16 German, the name of one person (Dominik) is Latin.

135 Ferenc Salamon, cited work (1882) 120. On the basis of this it was declared that following the data of Conversio there were no Hungarian speaking peoples in Pannonia. See Jànos Melich, A magyarsàg eredetéről és nyelvéről. (From the origin and the langage of the Hungarians.) Szàzadok 42 (1908) 751.

136 Zsigmond Fekete, cited work (1888) 43.

137 Following Wolfram Herwig populus is the part of gens converted to the christian faith. Cited: Tamàs Notàri, A salzburgi historiogràfia kezdetei. (The beginnings of the historiography of Salzburg.) Szegedi Középkortörténeti Könyvtàr 23. Szeged, 2017, 255.

138 This was already emphesized by Jànos Horvàth in 1819 : Horvàth, cited work (1819) 6. and 35.

In that moment Kocel (Chezil) went also to the church of priest Ermperth, that was consacrated by the mentioned prelat, and to whom he made so many gifts (but where ?) that were in the possession of cited Engildeon and his two sons and of priest Ermperth, and his investigation (in ipsum terminum) was carried out in presence of the above-mentioned men. » The text continues with the word ‘because’(namque), showing that once again the author has dropped certain parts from the cited source. « Because after two or three years he consacrated a church in Salapiugin 139 (but who ?) in honor of Saint Rupert (Hrudbertus), that was given by Privina to God (deo), to Saint Peter, to Saint Rupert, to servants of God of Salzburg for eternal use. (ad Salapiugin consecravit ecclesiam in honore sancti Hrodberti). » Following Wolfram Herwig (and his followers) archbishop Liupram consacrated it, but even this is not proved, the word postmodum (after that) of the next sentence shows, that Liupram only later went to Privina.

As far as the situation of Salapiugin is concerned, a chart stemming from 860 and another from 863 is determining, following which Privina (Briwinus) gave to the monastery Saint Mauric of Altaha (ad monasterium nostrum Altaha) goods from his own property in own principality, that were confirmed by king Lewis due to the intercession of abbot Otgar (abba Otgarius, Dedit itaque Briwinus fidelis dux noster cum consensu et licentia nostra ad praefatum monasterium sancti Mauricii martyris Christi de sua proprietate in suo ducatu quicquid habuit ad Salabiugit). These goods are properties near place Salabiugit, the limits of which were the followings : infra terminos istos : in orientem ultra Salam fluviolum usque in Slougenzinmarcham et Stresmaren, i.e. they extend from eastern side beyond river Sala as far as Slougenzin marcha and Stresmaren, et sic sursum per Salam usque ad Uualtungsbach et sic inde usque Hrabagiskeit et ad Chirichstetin, i.e. /they extend/ from Sala in the 

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region above as far as Uualtungsbach and from here as far as Hrabagiskeit and Chirichstein. 140 In 863 the king made a new limit description that describes more precisely the limits : the brook Scalcobach, that runs to the west (the our Zala runs to the east), entirely as far as marcha Dagodeos, from here to the east entirely as far as marcha Ruzara and the place of Cidalaribah name, from here to the bed of brook Enise, that brook is running between the Danube and Ibisa, then as far as Hurula and to the south above the mountain Biuginig (Fuerunt namque in vestitura praedicti monasterii quaedam loca nomine Scalcobach, sicut ipse rivulus fluit in occidentalem parte usque in Dagodeos marcha et inde in orientalem plagam usque ad Ruzaramarcha, atque in locum quem vocant Cidalaribah in saltu Enisae fluvii, qui coniacet inter Danubium et Ibisam atque Hurulam in meridianem parte usque in verticem montis et ad Biugin…). 141 Identifying this Salapiugin with Zalabér is totally an impossible undertaking ! And, however, they make it. Wolfram Herwig shows it as a proof in his German translation !

The Conversio follows that way : « After this (in 853) archbishop Liupram, at the rquest of Privina, sent masons, painters, smiths and carpenters from Salzburg, who in the fortified castle/city (infra civitatem Privinae, but we cannot accept this as the place name !) made built a church that was more worthy to the honor (honorabilem ecclesiam) using his own expenses, and equipped it for the feasts of the religeous offices (officiumque ecclesiasticum colere). 142 In this church lies the corpse of Adrian (Hadrianus) martyr (In qua ecclesia Adrianus martyr humatus pausat). » Endre Tóth recognizes, that the citing of Adrian relic of Mosaburg, i.e. his corpse, was made in an unusual manner. He states, that originally this sentence could not be part of the text of the Conversio, in addition it is probable that the corpse itself or the relic was not in Mosaburg, and they could bring there perhaps after 875.

139 I consider illegal and purposeful falsification the fact, that even in a critical edition Wolfram Herwig writes in the German translation the place name Salapiugin being Zalabér, cited work Conversio 55. Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 224-225. Recognizes that it is « only approximately identifiable » in the Zalabér-Batyk-Zalaegerszeg region.

140 MMFH III. 53-55.

141 MMFH III. 62-63.

142 György Györffy takes it possible, that this description means divine service. MEH 2002, 292-nd, 459-th note.

Hypothesizing, that the declaration is authentic, that in the 880 years Arnolf wanted to continue to build in Mosaburg, and wanted to build a palace, in that case the transport of the Adrian relic to that place is hypothesizable (Vorausgesetzt, dass Arnolf in Mosaburg weiterbauen liess zu einer Pfalz auszubauen wünschte, liess sich diese Tätigkeit gut mit einer Translation vereinbaren). 143 However in this case, during the excavations how could they find the place of the crypt containing the whole corpse of the martyr under/in front of the altar of the so-called Hadrianus church ? 144 Or perhaps this deals with a place of relic, i.e. tomb of a church of the beginning of the XI-th century ? And from the knowledge of this XI-th century (Hungarian) data was interpolated this sentence in the text of Conversio, several centuries later ? This is shown by the fact, that the citing of Adrian relic is a margin note, certainly later! The buriel of Adrian martyr at this place arizes several questions, 145 that’s why this is more questionable the position of the hypothesized tomb. Thus the tomb, if it were a tomb (see (2019) 73-rd picture on page 372) could be also from the XI-th century, if we consider the pilgrim church as the rests of a church from the period of Saint Stephen ! At the foundation of the monastery of Zala there

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was no fortified castle, that’s why it was called ecclesia Beati Adriani martyris preciosi de Insula Zaladiensi, or monasterium de Zala, and only later was built the county fortified castle of Zala (castrum Zala). 146 The original chart of foundation was burnt in the thirties of the XIV-th century, and only later copies (1347) are known. Following the chart of foundation of the year 1019, the monks recieved nine villages of Zala and one from the region of Tisza, the tithe of 44 villages and four fishing lakes, i.e. fishing places. In the same year was destructed also the chart of foundation of 1024.

From this, or better from a later copy, it is known, that already in the beginning of the XI-th century (1024) existed the church of Zalavàr (ecclesia Zalauar), to which belonged 23 villages, among other fishing lakes, with islands in the water of Balaton (cum insulis aque Balatoni). It is amazing the many Hungarian place names (Apathi, Bessinew, Gelse, Kerchen, Karus, Urug, Rajk, etc) and the name of Zala river, written with z (propre fluvium Zala) ! 147

Following the Conversio in this fortified castle (i.e. in Mosaburg, in eadem civitatem) is a church consacrated at honor of Saint John the Baptist and outside the fortified castle (foris civitatem) they have consacrated churches in the period of Liupram in Dudleipin, Ussitin, Buzinica, Bettobia,

Stepiliperc, Lindolveschirichun, Keisi, Wildhereschirichun, Isangrimeschirichun, Beatuseschirichun, Quinque Basilicas, but they also built churches in Otachareschirichun and Paldmunteschirichun and other places, where Privina and his people wanted.

143 Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 452.

144 From the rsts found in the excavations it can be read : « In the axis of the church a martyr tomb of amorphous rocs is leaning to the inner arc of the chorus, that was completely dismantled by Ágnes Cs. Sós, in its place we only can find a pit of deepening trough, low and quadratic. » Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 354. There is no archeolog who could consider this material a tomb containing a whole (!) corps !

145 B. A. Kercselich, cited work (1770) 78. Praeterea Abbatiam Mosaburch, ubi S. Adriani requiescit, in loco scilicet, quem olim Priwina deinde filius ejus Hezilo, ac modo Wratislaus, sive Braslavus nepos possidebat, pluresque loco & Ecclesias regionis illius…

146 Stessel, cited work (1902) 836. It is also to be noted that in the time of the writing of Gerarde legend, also in the XIV-th century Zala was written with Z (Zaladino). The name of the comitat Zala is found first in 1134, the county fortified castle (Zalavàr) only in 1222. See Làszló Vàndor, cited work (1996) 146. There were some authors who declared that in the 7-9-th century there were no earth-wooden fortified castles in Hungary, except of Mosaburg-Zalavàr of completely different (?) structure and organization poling fortified castle, that was protecting a palisade. The fortified castle of Kolon was already mentioned in 1009. See Istvàn Bóna, Az Árpàdok korai vàrairól. (From the early fortified castles of the Árpàd’s period.) Debrecen, 1995, 15, 29, 41.

147 DHA I. Budapest, 1992, 102 : Bornuk, Magnum Bok, Merenya, Yelesnek, Apathy, Harasty, Odornuk, Akarpataka, Egurwolg etc. It has to be emphasized that they mention a predium of name Zentadrianmartyr (Saint Adrian martyr) near Tizia (Tisza), with the benefices of the fishing lakes and incomes (predium Zenthadrianmartyr vocatum circa Tyzziam cum captoris piscium ac utilitatibus universis). – Làszló Vàndor, cited work (1996) 146. After the name Zalavàr, in parenthesis, the author wrote (Mosaburg), however in the mentined chart this does not exist!

All these churches were built in time of Privina and the abbots of Iuvavium (praesulibus Iuvavansium) have consacrated them. 148 These churches were obviously wooden churches, although Conversio does not even mention one single lignea ecclesia. 149

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From the here mentioned place names only Bettobia can be identified authentically with Pettau (Ptuj), the Quinque Basilicas, as we have seen, cannot be identified with the middle age Quinque Ecclesiae (Fünfkirchen) of Pécs. 150 There are several hypotheses and suggestions, as for example the identification of the church-trace found in the island Zalaszabar-Borjùàllàs with the wooden church consacrated to the protomartyr Saint Stephen of Wittimar, 151 or the explanation of the name Salapiugin as the meander of Zala (perhaps Zalabér?) 152 or the identification of Quartinaha with Koroknya (at Nagybajom) or with Balatonmagyaród-Hidvégpuszta (Kolon).

In the time German Lewis’ son, Karlmann (828-880) a chart dated between 876-880 is particularly important, because deacon Gundbato gave his property named Quartinaha next to Bilisasseo to the bishop Embrich of Regensburg in exchange for the property near Raab, that Chezil gave to the monastery of Saint Emmeram. Here are mentioned four place names, Bilisasseo, Quartinaha, Sala and Raab. In the chart it is stated : Gundbato, the venerable deacon gave his property named Quartinaha near Bilisasseo near the church consacrated at honor of Saint John evangelist (ad Quartinaha iuxta Bilisasseo…id est ecclesiam sancti Johannis evangelistae) to a (monastery consacrated) at the martyr saint Emmeram of Regensburg, to Ambrich/Embrich bishop, with the agreement of his lord, son of (Karlmann) king, Arnolf, that he recieved as far as the river Sala and Uueliaga (Gundbato…tradidit proprietatem suam, quam habvit ad Quartinaha iuxta Bilisasseo ad sanctum dei martyrem Emmeramum domino suo Arnolpho filio regali permittente a quo eam in possessionem accept…in manum Ambrichonis … id est ad fluuium Salam quod Froprecht iam olim in beneficium habvit et ad Ueligam…). 153 In exchange, for the salvation of the soul of Kocel (Chezil dux quondam pro remedio anime suae) he got the property of Guntbert captain of the fortified castle, that was next to the water Raba (iuxta amnem qui dicitur Raba…). 154 Beside this Ambrich bishop gave a delegation to the monastery of Saint Emmeram, that, if their serfs escape beyond Raba (ultra Rabam), they could search and hold them and keep them on his property. (Here we have to refer to the fact, that Raba takes its source in the country of Stayer, in the Alps (Middle) of Fischbach, on the south-eastern slope of Hochlantsch and runs 95 km in the territory of Austria !). Later he enumerates the witnesses, who (following Endre Tóth) were not from Regensburg, but from Pannonia. A few years later (883-887) they renewed the gift in presence of prince Arnolf, that is important, because Arnolf was in that moment in Mosaburg. As they identify Bilisasseo with Balaton, Sala with Zala river, 155 i.e. the Sàly(?), Ueliga with Valicka, Quartinaha with Zalaegerszeg or with Zalaszentivàn, 156 the forced purpose is obvious. Only Raba remains a sure starting point, because it is not certain that Bilisasseo is identical to Pelissa=Pelso=Balaton names, it is possible that it is the distorted name of Aqua Balissae (Daruvàr). 157

148 See Stessel, cited work (1902) 833.

149 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 341.

150 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 229. He adds also Sabaria /Savaria/, Sala and Bilisasseo place names, but the last two ones are not proved !

151 Róbert Müller, Zalaszabar-Borjùàllàs-sziget. In : Évezredek története a làp vilàgàból. (The island-Zalaszabar-Borjùàllàs. In : History of thousends of years from the swampy world.) Kaposvàr-Zalaegerszeg, 1996, 135.

152 UB I. 7. – Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (1996)123. – The same (2002) 90. – The same, cited work (2014) 72.

153 MMFH III. 68-69. – UB I. 1955, 8-9. – Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (1996) 128. However, there is no question about that Bilisasseo could have been a lake !

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154 In the Slovak edition (MMFH I. 68-69) they have identified Quartinaha with Zalaegerszeg or Zalaszentivàn, the Sala river with Sàly river, Velih with Velicka. The Austrians (UB I. 883.) have suggested Ravazd, but they found it without foundation.

155 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 227-228. In the 1742-nd note he identifies the place with Balatonmagyaród-Hidvégpuszta. 

156 MMFH III. 68-69.

In a chart dated from 21-st of March 861 it states, that a certain Slavic comes, named Kocul (Chezul, Kocel ?) gives all his belongings he has in the colony Wampald near Pilozsvve to the church Vergin Mary of Freising (…quidam comes de Sclavis nomine Chezul omnem rem quam habuit propre Pilozsvve in villa, quae dicitur Wampaldi, cum territoriis et vineis, pratis et silvis haec pertinentibus cum omni integritate in capsam sanctae Mariae firmiter tradidit, ut aevis temporibus inconvulsum permaneat ad Frisingas, ubi electus dei Corbinianus corpore quiescit). 158 It is very amazing for all objective researchers, how could it be possible to identify the expression Pilozsvve with Balaton (Pelso), when there is no any reference that this strange place name should be the name of a lake.

Austrian researchers have shown, that around 820, the chief of the revolt against the Franks, Liudevit from Posavien, was backed by part of the Karantans. The title of Liudevit died in 823 became from Posavien and not from Siscia. The today’s Slavic name is Posavje. 159 Thus this deals with the fact that a certain comes named Kecul (who is maybe identical with Kocel) gives all his belongings to the Vergin Mary church (in capsam, unusual expression !) situated in the place (in the farm) Wampald near Pilozsvve (perhaps it is related to Posavje ?) : fields, vineyards, meadows, forests, in all parts, confirming with strength, that all this should remain the property of the Church of Freising for ever in an indissoluble manner, where the corpse of Corbinianus, the chosen of God, lies. However, it is already comic, that some have identified the « farm » Wampald 160 with Nemesboldogasszonyfa on the north of Zalavàr. 162 For these imagined identifications there is however no proof ! 162 The place name Mosaburg is found in Bavaria from the VIII-th century, but in Carinthia only from 865. Karantania was joined to Bavaria moreover in 794, that was given by Karlmann to his son Arnulf (880-899) in 876. In the chart of German Lewis king dated from the 20-th November of 860 neither the name Quinque Ecclesiae, nor that of Mosaburg appears. The chart deals with the loyal prince of the king (Briuuinus fidelis dux noster) who gives his own property Salapiugit to the monastery of Saint Mor of Altai. This place, at the eastern part, beyond the Sala little river (ultra Salam fluviolum) extended as far as Slougenzinmarcham et Stressmauren et sic sursum per Salam usque ad Uualtungesbah et sic inde ad Hrabagiskeit et ad Chirihstetin, as we dealt with above. 163 The Anonymous author so continues (Cap. 13.) : « In the year 865 of the Lord, venerable Adalwin, archbishop of Iuvavium celebrated Christ’ birthday (Christmas) in the fortified castle of Kocel (Chezil) that is called more recently (noviter) Mosaburc, because he followed him after the death of his father Privina killed by the Moravians. Adalwin that day has celebrated the religious office (officium celebravit ecclesiasticum), the following day, on the property of Wittimar (but where ?) has consacrated a church at honor of Saint Stephen protomartyr. On the first of January in Ortahu 164 he consacrated a church at honor of Saint Michael archangel, in the property of Kocel.

157 Branka Migotti, Ranokrscanski grobni nalaz iz Velikih Bastaja kod Daruvara. Vjesnik 28-29, 127-157 (1995-96) 128. Daruvàr is between Poetovio and Sirmium.

158 MMFH III. 61.

159 Das ist Kärnten. Hrsg. Wolfgang Ebner. Klagenfurt, 2003, 28.

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160 Béla Miklós Szőke , cited work (2014) 77. – The same, cited work (2019) 234.

161 MMFH III. 61., 2-nd note. The sample of Peter Ratkoš. For the distance between Freising and Zalavàr, see Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 440, 1st picture.

162 « The place names in the charts are impossible to be identified at present. The amateur linguistic tentatives for the localization cannot be proved with the chart, and in most of the cases there are not even archeologic sites for the required period. » See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 226.

163 MMFH III. 53-54. Urkundenbuch des Burgenlandes (UB) I. 5. It is in dismay that in both Slavic and Austrian publications, these place names are « replaced » by Hungarian place names, without any proof, even though it deals probably with site names of Steierland, in the district of Cilly. Sana is for example the affluent of Save (Savus) in Steierland B. A. Kercselich, cited work (1770) 78. juxta Ivanich ad Savum, atque inde defluxu fluminis ad Sanam, abinde trans Dravum etiam, dum Marburg, Petovium, caeteraque loca, respectu Zagrabiae trans Dravum essent, ut Stiria, quam nunc inferiorem vocamus, eximi a Regno Branzlavonis nequeat.

164 Wolfram, in the German translation, without any proof, has identified Ortahu with Veszprém ! Cited work Conversio 57. 

In the same year on the 13-th of January he consacrated in Weride a church at honor of Saint Paul. 165 In the same year on the 15-th of January, he consacrated a church in Spizzum at honor of Saint Margaret Vergin, in Temperhc at honor of Saint Lawrence. In Fizker he consacrated a church in this year. And he gave a priest for each church. Later he also came to this territory to confirm and to preach. In the meantime it happened that he came to a place named Cella, in the territory of Unzato, where he found a church appropriate to be consacrated. This he consacrated at honor of Saint Peter chief of the apostles, and there he installed a priest. The church of Ztradach he consacrated at honor of Saint Stephen. Even so flourished a church in Weride, that was consacrated at honor of Saint Peter chief of apostles. Later he again consacrated three churches, one in Quartinaha in honor of Saint John evangelist, another one in Muzzilichieschirirchun and a third one in Ablànc (Ablanza 166) where he also put presbyters. »

In a false chart dated from 20-th November 885, Mosaburch abbey (abbacia) can be found, where lies the corps (relic) of Saint Adrian, that « was brought to the mentioned monastery by our ancestors » (ad Mosapurch abbaciam, ubi sanctus Adrianus martir /Christi/ requiscit, quam antecessores nostri ad iam dictum monasterium tradiderunt). 167 The mistake is only that in the IX-th century, no single source knows the foundation of monastery in Mosaburg identified with Zalavàr-Vàrsziget ! « The saint relic, together with Mosaburg, has disappeard ! » An abbey of the order of Saint Benedict in Zalavàr was only founded by I. Stephen Hungarian king in 1019, and this church was precisely consacrated at honor of Saint Adrian ! 168 The honor of Saint Adrian was well spread already in early times, for which an example, among others, the relation of Paulus Diaconus (725-795) on Liuprand king, the corps of whom was buried in the church of Saint Adrian martyr, where laid also his father (corpusque eius in basilica beati Adriani martyris, ubi et eius genitor requiescit, sepultum est). 169 Georgius Monachus cites that the

Byzantines have also honored Adrian, because in 838, when the Ungers (Turkishes, Huns, i.e. Hungarians) have attacked the Greeks, they shouted weeping : Help us God of Saint Adrian ! 170 However, there were no church consacrated at honor of Adrian/Adorjàn martyr, neither in the Karoling-period (Carolingian Era), nor later, nor in Bavarian, no in Stajer, no in Karantan territory. 171 In the false chart mentioned above and in the later copies they repeat word by word the gifts of properties of Arnulf king to the archdiocese of Salzburg, that was confirmed by his successor (II. Otto) and which are enumerating the above place names (Treisima civitas, Potilinesprunnin,

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Penninuuane, Uuitinesperch, Guntpoldesdorf ad Rapam, ad Sabariam, ad Siccam Sabariam, ad Penninchaha, ad Mosapurch abbatiam ubi sanctus Adrianus requiescit ; ad Salapiugin curtem cum CCC mansis et totidem vineis ; aecclesiam ad Quartinaha, Ruginesfeld, Durnauua, etc.). However, these place names cannot be found in Transdanubia ! Many have forced for nothing, the tentatives were completely sterile. In the region of Balaton nobody could show until now, cited, legally demonstrated such place names !

165 In the vicinity of Cilly it can be identified with Wörth.

166 Ablanza can be identified with Aflenz in North-Stiria or with Blanza in the vicinity of Cilli (south from Drave, south-east from Maria Saal).

167 MMFH III. 10, 125.

168 SRH I. 125. See Kornél Bakay, cited work (1998) 258.

169 Paulus Diaconus, Geschichte der Langobarden. Historia Langobardorum. Hrsg. Wolfgang F. Schwarz. WBG Darmstadt, 2009, 342. Liber VI. 58. – Paulus Diaconus, A langobardok története (The history of Langobards.) Translated etc. Dr. F. Albin Gombos. Középkori krónikàsok I. Brassó, 1901, 259.

170 Flóriàn Màtyàs, cited work (1898) 27.

171 Péter Juhàsz, cited work (2017) 450.

172 Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser. Hrsg. Von der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde. XII. Die Urkunden Otto des II. Hannover, 1888, 186, 394. – MMFH III. 92-93. 

Also Béla Miklós Szőke recognizes : « the cited place names cannot be for the moment identified. The amateur linguistic tentatives for the localization cannot be proved with the chart, and in most of the cases, there are not even archeologic sites for the required period, notwithstanding an architextural memorial referring to a church or court of the Karoling-period. » 173 On the contrary, in this Carinthia, even until today, one can easily find Moosburg and many-many place names in the sources cited above 174. « Citing from the text of this chart, we see, writes Jozsef Stessel, 175 that the list of the properties given to the archbishop of Salzburg starts with the properties situated in German territory and in Bavaria along the Danube and continues soon ad Rapam, where appears Sabaria civitas et ecclesia, and Sicca Sabaria 176 (maybe desert territory).

Penninchaha can be maybe Pinggau near Pinka river in Stiria, Quartinaha maybe Gartenau. » All the three place names are cited by Anonymous in the territory of Privina-like, and the present order seems also to demonstrate that they cannot be looked for in Hungarian territory. Here comes after that ecclesia ad Gensi and ad Quinque Ecclesias, under which they guess to find Güns (Kőszeg 177) next to Gyöngyös river and Pécs city, but the circonstance, that Gensi does not follow immediately Sabaria near Gyöngyös river, that seems to show that the chart does not aim at today’s Szombathely and Kőszeg ; and what Quinque Ecclesiae is concerned, all the doubt has not disappeared : does it really mean Pécs ? The text of the chart enumerates Ruginesfeld, Durnava (Turnau) and Pettau (this one in the former Privina-district) places, of which the first one probably, the other two ones were certainly situated in the Karantan border county ; the last two ones are still known today. Following, the chart enumerates Zistanesfeld near the Drave next to Sulpa and Lounzizma rivers, and Zuip city next to Mura, both places have to be looked for in Carinthia… Now the chart comes back again to the Raba, saying ad Lumnichan iuxta Rapam, ad Nezelinpach, ad Sabnizam, idem ad Rapam, ad Tulleipin, ad Labantam, ad Gurcizam, ad Carantanam, and after that follow twenty three place names. The

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places near the Raba and the Nezelinpach have to be looked for in Stiria. Labanta means the valley of Lavant that is situated near Moosburg, Gurciza and Carantana, as the ancient nest of the old county of Carinthia, and also the twenty three places seeming to belong to the last one, can only be looked for in territory of Carinthia. »178 The followers of the hypothesis Mosaburg=Zalavàr recognize the Moosburg near Klagenfurt and the Sala place name in Stayer country between Judenburg and Graz, 179 but they are referring to the fact that determining written sources date only from XII-XIII-th century, however actum urbe Mosapurc, Arnulf has edited here several charts, on the 20-th of January 888, on the 19-th of March, on the 21-st of March. The script Ludewicus imperator Arnolfo ducatum Karinthie cum castro Mosburch, quod ad palatinum pertinet, contulerit shows, that it deals with the Moosburg of Carinthia !180

173 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 226.

174 The place names that can be found in Carinthia, at the north of Drave, in the vicinity of Klagenfurt and Wörthersee : Moosburg, Moos, Mooskeuschen, Schwarzes Moos, Sallach, Sallacheerberg.

175 József Stessel, cited work (1902) 838.

176 There is an author who has identified Sabaria Sicca with Màrtonhegy (Pannonhalma). See Fritz Zimmermann, Die vormagyarische Besiedlung des burgenländischen Raumes. Eisenstadt, 1954, 40. Endre Tóth denies this and identifies it with the time to time dry Perint brook. Endre Tóth, Adatok Pannonia történeti földrajzàhoz. (Data for the historical geography of Pannonia.) Kandidàtusi értekezések tézisei, Budapest, 1998, 7.

177 Kornél Bakay, Castrum Kwszug. A kőszegi felsővàr és a millenniumi kilàtó. (Castrum Kwszug. The upper fortified castle of Kőszeg and the belvedere of millennium.) Kőszeg, 1996, 9.

178 József Stessel, cited work (1902) 838-839.

179 Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 440. He writes this : Obwohl Gotberg Moro 1963, aufgrund von Pircheggers Meinung, auch weiterhin curtis Carantana (Karnburg) für die einzige karolingische Königspfalz in Österreich hielt und das Moosburg des 9. Jahrhunderts mit Zalavàr identifizierte. Dementgegen (!) bemühte man sich ständig von neuem um eine Lokalisierung in Kärnten,…wenngleich die Existenz einer zweiten (i.e. Moosburg), nur zwölf Kilometer von der civitas Carantana entfernt gelegenen Königspfalz Moosburg von vornherein zweifelhaft ist. But why is this data a priori doubtful ? See Kornél Bakay, cited work (1998) 266-267. Thus it is not true that there is no legal mention from Moosburg of Carinthia in the IX-th century, and it is even less true im Gegensatz zum pannonischen statement, but one should just demonstrate that the materials near Sala river were parts of Mosaburg. The main fortified castle of Carinthia was Moosburg, that was situated near Wörth-lake, and it could be found near Karnburg (curtis Carantana 181). The church consacrated at honor of Saint Peter is already mentioned in the X-th century, from where stone hewings with decoration of plaited ruban were found (see below). 182 They have found in the wall of Saint Martin church of Niedertrixen in Carinthia a classical stone hewing with decoration of plaited ruban considered being from the IX-th century, of which an almost precise parallelism is known in Zalavàr. 183 The stone hewings with decoration of plaited ruban are frequent in Carinthia and also among the Hungarian artistic monuments of the early- Árpàd-period. At the Sankt Peter site situated in the northern site of Moosburg a church ruine is known (the church

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was built between 772 and 828) in the cemetery of which they have excavated in the years of 1990-ies a number of stone hewings with decoration of plaited ruban (Flechtwerksteine). But they also found a speciman in the Saint Michael parish church of Moosburg. Stone monuments with decoration of plaited ruban are known from Zweikirchen, St. Peter am Bichl, Karnburg and St. Veit. These hewings can be dated at the end of VIII-th century and at the beginning of the IX-th century. 184 From the St. Peter church of Moosburg and the cemetery around, one can state and prove, that without interruption (ohne erkennbare Zäsur) existed also in the Karoling-period, even more it was the sacred centre of the region, that shows very well the early way of life of the illustrious persons and chiefs. It’s another question that the archeologic excavations in Carinthia were essentially more modest in the later time, that’s why middle-age foundings very scarcely came at light in the territory of old Moosburg. On the contrary Zalavàr-Vàrsziget is made in evidence as an excavation territory since 70 years. In 1850 they found in the territory of Zalavàr a medal collection of 6019 pieces. The silver denarius are from the XIII-th century. 185 But also stone hewings came to daylight. A white marble, door stone decorated with plaited ruban with the following inscription: QVERENS INVENTO PVLSANS H/i/c GAVDET aper/TO, « Those who ask, recieve, who look for, find, the door opens for those who knock. » But they have also found in Zalavàr a tomb with an angel, with the inscription ANDREAS VITAM RESOLVTIS, and also a fragment representing a rider, but these stone monuments are from the XI-th century and it is a pure hypothesis that these were first inserted in the pilgrimage church consacrated at honor of Saint Adrian of the IX-th century ! 186 The origin and the dating of the stone monuments with decoration of plaited ruban 187 is thus approximate , or better we could say, they are from the IX-XI-th century. 188 In the Moosburg of Carinthia there are stone buildings, but there are no swamps certify the researchers in Zalavàr, however at west of Klagenfurt, at the northern site of Wörthersee, there is a big lake (Schwarzes Moos) and far away : Faschinger Moos, Mooskeuschen, Moosburgerbach, which brook flows into the Dràva, but in Stiria, Carinthia and above Krajna there are a lot of Moos-like place names known.

180 MMFH III. 78-79. – Péter Juhàsz correctly shows (cited work /2017/ 440-451) that from Mosaburg in Carinthia there are five charts.

181 Fuldai Évkönyvek. Annales Fuldenses (2019) 341.

182 Their photo Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 296, 37-th picture.

183 Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 444.

184 Stefan Eichert, Aus der frühmittelalterliche Strukturen in Ostalpenraum. Klagenfurt, 2012, 158-159, 225, 253.

185 Péter Prohàszka, Aus der Forschungsgeschichte der Ruinen von Zalavàr : Der Bericht des k. k. Ingenieur-Assistenten Wenzel Schäffer aus dem Jahr 1854. In : Castellum, civitas, urbs. Zentren und Eliten im frühmittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa. Hrsg. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamàska, Hajnalka Herold, Péter Straub und Tivadar Vida. Budapest, Leipzig, Keszthely, Rahden/Westf . 2015, 96-98.

186 Prohàszka, cited work (2015) 99-100. – See Làszló Vàndor, cited work (2002) 103.

187 Bible of New Testament. Roma, 1971. Mathias 7. 7-9. Rustic variation : The seeker rejoys at the finding, he who knocks at the opening. See Ágnes Ritoók, cited work (2014) 294.

188 Viktor Récsey, cited work (1892) 63-68. – Endre Tóth, cited work (2000) 444.

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Older Austrian travel books 189 cite that the palace of prince Arnulf stayed in Moosburg, that is pittoresque in its ruinous state. This place is situated at a distance of two hours to the west of Klagenfurt. « The other Mosaburg was standing around Cilly in the old times. The Mosaburg near Klagenfurt was called by the Vends (Karantans 190) Blatograd. »191 We also find the name Moosburg that stayed near Cilly /we find it on the map/in the form Slatinagrad. Mosaburg, « based on all this where could we put with more right – there, where we even do not find the trace, or there, where it still stays on the map even today, where we find its clear trace ? » 192 Among the disputed data of sources (at Endre Tóth) there is first the chronicle of Regino, who writes at the year 880 that Lewis king gave Carinthia to Arnulf, that his farther (Karlmann) conceded already earlier (876) , where stays (in quo situm) a very strong fortified castle (castrum munitissimum) that is called Mosaburh and it is called so, because this place was surrounded by an impenetrable swamp (eo quod palude inpenetrabili locus vallatus) and those who would like to enter find an entrance with difficulty (dificillimum adeuntibus prebeat accessum). 193 This is also cited by chronicle of Otto from Freising : Lewis, king of east France, gave to Arnulf the principality of Carantania also with the fortified castle of Mosaburc. 194 There is no more univocal definition in the historical science ! Also Endre Tóth recognizes : « Der Satz erscheint auf den ersten Blick problemlos. » Mosaburg is in Carinthia ! But he does not give up. He tells the fable (because this is only a fable) that Regino included also Pannonia Inferior (Lower Pannonia) in Carinthia (inclusive !) and his description deals with Zalavàr, only one has to understand well. But the « interpretation » of Béla Miklós Szőke is not different from this. He says, that Regino cheated the historians of later times putting an equality sign between Mosaburg and Carinthia. Regino imagined Mosaburg a part of Carinthia (!) and « he shows his confusion, by understanding (imagining) that Mosapurch is part of the heritage of Carinthia. » 195 With this arbitrary explanation of sources, unfortunately, we do not know what to do. 196 We can only agree with Robert Svetina, that there are no several fortified castles in Carinthia or in Pannonia that could even approximately correspond to the description of Regino abbat of Prüm (castrum munitissimum) than the surrounding of old Moosburg (Auf keine andere karantanische und auch pannonische Burg passt die Beschreibung als castrum munitissimum (Regino von Prüm) auch nur annähernd in dem Umfang wie auf die alte Moosburg in Kärnten). 197

189 Imre Pető – Viktor Szombathy, Ausztria ùtikönyv. (Austria guide-book.) Budapest, 1972.

190 The nephew of Mojmir, Raztislav (846-870) Moravian prince is called by the sources the king of the Vends (Resticius regulus Winidorum, 862, 870, Resticius Winidus 866). But also the successor of Rasztiszlàv, his nephew prince Zuendebald (Svatopluk, 870-894) is called the king of Vends (a nepote Restitii, qui principatum Winidorum post eum susceperat). However the Annales Xantenses call the Moravians Margos (Rasticius rex Margorum, 872). See Quellen zur karolingischen Reichsgeschichte. Zweiter Teil. Bearbeitet von Reinhold Rau. WBG Darmstadt, 1992, 116, 160, 212, 218, 364, 366. Raztislav, the prince of Marahans, defeated by Lewis king in 860, was captured and made blind (captoque principe nomine Raztiz enim caecari fecit). In the so-called chronicles Fredegar they call the Slaves (the Moravians and Quarantans) Vends Vinedi, Vinidi befulci. See Chronicarum quae dicuntur Fredegarii libri quattuor. Die vier Bücher der Chroniken des sogenannten Fredegar. AQDGM IV/a. Darmstadt, 1982, 206-210. And Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum. Tomus II. Fredegarii et aliorum Chronica. Hannover, 1888, 144.

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191 This is total absurdity deriving the name of Balaton from the Slavic blato=swamp, mud ! But how the Slaves of Privina and after them the Hungarians could regard the lake Balaton with its profound and clear water, mud, only the philology of Pàl Hunfalvy can understand. But in our old letters (charts), among others the chart of foundation of the monastery of Tihany (1055) the name of Balaton is Balatin, and later Boloty…in the Ugor langage tyn, tun, tu=to (lake). This corresponds to the name Fertő (Ferteo). In Middle Asia bolo=great, large, bolotyn=big lake. See Zsigmond Fekete, cited work (1888) 79-82.

192 Ferenc Salamon, cited work (1882) 109.

193 Regino von Prüm. In : Quellen karolingischen Reichsgeschichte 3. Teil. Hrsg. Reinhold Rau. Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters AQDGM) VII. WBG Darmstadt, 1992, 258-259. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 261.

194 Chronicle of Otto Freising. Translated by Albin F. Gombos, József Irsik and György Vajda. Középkori Krónikàsok Atheneum, Budapest, 292.

195 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) 94. – The same, cited work (2019) 261-263, 292.

196 Stefan Eichert, cited work (2012) 253. Wer behauptet, dass sich Regino bei seiner Angabe, dass die genannte Moosburg in Karantanien gelegen habe, irrt oder bewusst die Unwarheit sagt, muss Reginos Glaubwürdigkeit zu diesem Thema aus seinem Werk heraus widerlegen !

They also mention the data of 896-th year of the Annales of Fulda : the emperor committed Braslav, his chief to defend Pannonia during this time (imperator Pannoniam cum urbe Paludarum tuendam Brazlavoni duci suo in id tempus commendavit). The description does not say, where was this swamp fortified castle, but this could only be next to river Zala, they are confirming. However, the Annales describe at the year 884, that Brazlav dux Pannoniae ulterioris, was reigning in that time in the country between Drave and Save (Postea veniente Brazlavoni duce, qui in id tempus regnum inter Dravo et Savo flumine teniut), that was Pannonia that time. 198 Carinthia and Pannonia Inferior was between Drave and Save. If after 865 the fortified castle of Kocel was called Mosaburg, in 896 also could be called so, but it was not called so, but urbs, that means well fortified castle. King Arnulf has created in 888 an administrative centre in Moosburg, and king Karlmann, when he revolted against his father in 861/863, has achieved the fortified castle correspondingly. 199 The chronicle of Albericus tells, that the son of Pious Lewis (813-840), German Lewis, 12 years before his death (865) has divided his empire between his sons and Karlomann recieved Baioaria, Pannonia, Carantana, Boemia, Moravia and the Slavic and Langobard marchia. 200 That is so that this urbs Paludarum became the most significant fortification of Pannonia. It seems also founded, that the fortification of Brazlav dux was in today’s Austria territory, near Klagenfurt, and indeed it can be hypothesized, that the place of the so-called battle of Pozsony (Brezalauspurc, 907) partly should be looked for here, because on the basis of Aventinus, the place cannot be situated with authenticity. 201 Following the position of Imre Boba, the so-called battle of Pozsony happened at Brezalauspurc (in 907), that could be identical with Zalavàr-Vàrsziget. 202 The name changes of the site, following Szőke, can be well followed trace by trace. « In the swamps of the valley of Zala Inferior, the site founded by Priwina, the urbs Paludarum (Swamp fortified castle) was first called following his founder civitas Priwinae, later after the death of Priwina, following his son Chezil, urbs Chezilonis, later following this custom at the end of the 9-th century, and at the beginning of the 10-th century, following Brazlav, it is called Brezalauspurc-Braslavespurc, finally for the same reason at the beginning of the 11-th century following the first count, Kolon was called civitas Colonensis. »

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Calling Zalavàr-Vàrsziget the last rempart of Pannonia in the time of the Hungarian conquest, it is really an amazing and unprovable declaration. 203

197 Robert Svetina, Die Moosburg Arnulfs von Kärnten. Ein Beitrag zur Bestimmung ihrer Lage. Moosburger Museumshefte 1 (1993) 16.

198 Fuldai Évkönyvek. Annales Fuldenses. Màtyàs Darvas translated and wrote the postface and notes. MKI Kiadvànyai 5. Budapest, 2019, 328-329, 376-377. – See Documenta historiae Croaticae periodum antiquam. Coll. Dr. Rački, Zagrabiae, 1877, 333, 379, 381. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 174.

199 The historians Bulgarians called Blatnenszko knyazsestvo (Blatnoi principality) the territory surrounded by Danube-Drave and Raba, the centre of which could have been urbs Paludarum. See Cirill-Metod Enciklopedia I., Szàzadok 121 (1987) 728. See Erwin Kupfer, Krongut, Grafschaft und Herrschaftsbildung in den südlichen Marken und Herzogtümern von 10. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert. Studien und Forschungen aus dem niederösterreichischen Institut für Landeskunde 48 (2009) 76-78.

200 MGH SS XXIII. 700.

201 Here I mention that the place of the battle of Pozsony in July of 907, following Imre Boba, is localized at the around of Zalavàr by Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014) 114-115. The same, cited work (2019) 270-271, 288-293. The battle of Brezalauspurc on the 4-5-th of July of 907 identified with Vratislavia (Bratislava) has to be verified, because the Swamp fortified castle (urbs Paludarum, Mosaburg) only could be in Carinthia (Moosburg), so the battle at least in part could only happen here. For the clarification of this problem Gyula Geönczöl did a lot. I personally too overestimated the description of Aventinus. See Kornél Bakay, A pozsonyi csata a mùltban, a jelenben és a jövöben. (The battle of Pozsony in the past, in the present and in the future.) In : Balassagyarmati Honismereti Hiradó. A Madàch Imre Vàrosi Könyvtàr Évkönyve 2017, 220-228.

202 Brezalauspurc cannot be identified in any way with the surrounding of Zalavàr ! The studies of Imre Boba are rejected by the representatives of the official position due to the localization of Magna Moravia. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 292-293.

The problem is complicated by the supposed role of Metod in Mosaburg. In 863 Konstantin (Cirill, i.e. Kyrill) arrived at Moravia with bone relics of saint Clement. Following the legends of the life of apostles Cirill and Metod, 204 « Raztislav prince of Moravia on divine inspiration hold counsil with his princes and Moravians, sent ambassadors to emperor Michael (863) saying : because our people has rejected the paganism and follows the christian law, however we do not have teachers, who could explain in our language the true christian faith…send to us please a bishop. Metod started to go to the territory of the Moravians…and after three years, having instructed the disciples, returned from the land of the Moravians. » Moravia (Great Moravia, Megale Moravia, Magna Moravia) is treated as a country by the historians 205, however, according to some researchers, 206 this was the name of the city of Sirmium in the antic time, 207 that was situated in the southern part of Drave in Pannonia, between Drave and Savus, i.e. in Pannonia Inferior. The prince of the here living Slovenes was Liudevit between 810 and 823. His successor is Ratimar (823-838) followed by Svetimir (838-854). Raztislav was the king of the southern Morava, of the Slaves living along the ancient Margus river, as it is verified authentically by Annales of Fulda : in 846 German Lewis throned Rastizlav the grandson of Mojmir as the prince (ducem eis constituit Rastizen) of the southern Moravians (ad Sclavos Margenses). However Raztislav turned against king Lewis, who fighted against him in 855 without

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success (sine victoria). Later in 858 king Lewis « to various borders of his country he sends three armies, among others one with the leading of his elder son, Karlmann against the chief of the Slaves of Margus, Rastiz (per Karlmannum filium suum seniorem in Sclavos Margenses contra Rastizen), the other one leading with his younger son, Lewis against the Abodrits and Linones (in Obodritos et Limones), the third one with the leading of Thachulf…against the Sorbs (Sorabos). » Raztislav (846-870) was the cousin of Mojmir (833-846), who expelled Privina and who took counsil with prince Svatopluk (Raztyislav knaz slovinsk s Svatopilkm), 208 invited Cirill and Metod. Raztislav entered in conflict with Sventopolk (Svatopluk) with his own nephew (contra Zuentibaldum nepotem Rastizi), who was prince of Moravia since 870 until 894. Sventopolk received from king Arnulf after 887 Bohemia (Czech country) a territory as vassal, 209 but he extended his power to Upper region (Felföld, Felvidék. Little Moravia, i.e. territory of Moravian margrave). 210 Arnulf in 892 has asked the help of the Hungarians against Zwentibald (Svatopluk), who despite being vassal denied the obedience to Arnulf, 211 who was however expelled from the north and had to return to the south. Cosma from Prag writes in his work Chronica Boemorvm, 212 the followings at the 894-th year : « In this year Zuatopluk (Svatopluk), who was called ordinarily king of Moravia (rex Moraviae, sicut vulgo dicitur), has disappeared in his army and one could not find him for a long time.

203 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 293. This reasoning is a school example of imagined history-fable.

204 Pannoniai legendàk. Cirill és Metod szlàv apostolok élete. (Legends of Pannonia. Life of Cirill and Metod Slavic apostles.) Translated by Piroska F. Kovàcs. Madàch, Europa, 1978, 60, 91.

205 Bíborbanszületett Konstantin, A birodalom kormànyzàsa. (Constantine born in purple, The governing of the empire.) Published the Greek text and translated to Hungarian : Gyula Moravcsik. Közoktatàsügyi Kiadóvàllalat, Budapest, 1950, 64-65…on the southern territory was Great Moravia, i.e. the country of Svjatopluk..

206 Imre Boba, The Episcopacy of St. Methodius. Slavic Review 26 (1967) 89-93. And Péter Püspöki Nagy, cited work (1982) 18 skk.

207 Maraba, bishop of Morava, Civitas Pannoniae, Moravia and of Pannonia. See Imre Boba, A brevity political history of the Pannonias and Dalmatia in the ninth century. München. 1984.

208 MMFH II. 143.

209 Kozma Pražskij, Tshehskaja Chronika. Moskow, 1962, 57.

210 Metod was operating in the principality of Svatopluk, who anathematized both the prince and his people because of their sins. Once, when he went to hunt, he ordered that he should wait with the divine service (holy mass) as long as he does not arrive back in the church. Metod was waiting until noon, but then he started to celebrate the holy mass. The prince came back and saw that Metod did not wait for him, made irruption in the church, let enter the multitude of his dogs, made sounding the cors and ran to the altar and told all sorts of insults to Metod. See Jànos Horvàth, cited work (1819/III), 21.

211 Thietmar von Merseburg, Chronik. Neuübertragen und erläutert von Werner Trillmich. WBG Darmstadt, 2002, 346-347. Boemii regnante Zuetepulco duce quondam fuere principes nostri. However, when he retired within oneself, he has recognized, that he behaved unloyally and turned his own arms against his lord, emperor Arnolf (contra dominum suum imperatorem), as if he had forgotten to thank the help he recieved from him, /from that/ that Arnolf conquered for him not only

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Bohemia, but also other territories as far as river Odera and to Ungaria as far as Gron (Garam) river (non solum Boemiam, verum etiam alias regione hinc usque ad flumen Odram et inde versus Ungariam, usque ad fluvium Gron, subiugaret). After this, in his contrition he built a church on the side of Zobor mountain, with the help of three monks. »

The relation of Kozma of Prag is obviously a legend, and thus the citing of Zobor does not reinforce the hypothetical stay of Metod in Nitra. Also the Annales of Fulda, as we have seen, tells of southern Moravia, and this is verified by the fact that Arnolf, rex de Francia, asks the king of Bulgarians, that the Bulgarians should not sell salt from here to the Moravians (ne coemptio salis inde Maravanis daretur…). But because the delegation could not travel on continental road due to the ambush of prince Zwentibald (Missi autem propter insidias Zventibaldi ducis terreste iter non valentes habere), from the country of Brazlav (de regno Brazlavonis) through the Odra river as far as Kulpa, after that sailing on the water of Save river they arrived at Bulgary (per fluvium Odagra usque ad Gulpam, dein per fluenta Sava fluminis navigio Bulgaria perducti). 213 The Bulgar-Turks have founded already in the VII-th century a strong state, with stone fortified castles, stone churches, because the Bugar-Turks were not nomadic ! The Slaves, conquering with the Avars, were living in clan, only the Serbs and the Croats were able to found a state from the IX-th century. They possessed also part of the Carpathian-basin, 214 where appeared also the Hungarians already in the IX-th century !

In 862 the Danish destroy with fire and killing great part of the empire of German Lewis Frank-Bavarian king (Dani magnum regni eius partem caede et igni vastantes praedantur). And the text follows : « an earlier unknown enemy, that is called Ungri, ravaged the country » (Sed et hostes antea illis populis inexperti, qui Ungri vocantur, regnum eius depopulantur). 215 This country could be the territory of Raztislav, situated in the territory of Pannonia Inferior, where thus the Hungarian armies visited already in 862 ! The Annales Bertiniani calls Raztislav (Resticius) the king of the Vends (regulus Winidorum), as it was already dealt with. 216 The Annales of Fulda tells at the 869-th year, that it was the country (regnum) of Sventopolk (Zuentibald) who was the nephew of Raztislav, that was ravaged by the troops of Karlmann. 217 Raztislav himself, due to the treachery of his nephew (Sventopolk, Svatopluk) became priso1ner of Karlmann, who sent him in Regensburg, where he was sentenced to death, later German Lewis pardoned him, and he only made him blind and closed in a monastery (ad Reghinisburch pergens, Restitium Winidorum regulum, a Karlomanno per dolum nepotis ipsius Restitii captum et aliquandiu in custodia detentum, post iudicium mortis excaecari et in monasterium mitti praecepit, 870).

212 Die Chronik der Bömen des Cosmas von Prag. Hrsg. Bertold Bretholz. MGH Scriptores rervm germanicarvm Nova series. Tomvs II. Berlin, 1923, 32-33.

213 Annales of Fulda, cited work (2019) 352-355.

214 Péter Vàczy, A középkor története. In : Egyetemes történet II. (The history of Middle Age. In: Universal history II.) Red. Bàlint Hóman, Gyula Szekfű, Kàroly Kerényi. Budapest, Révai Testvérek, 1936, 675-677. – Géza Fehér, A bolgàr egyhàz kisérletei és sikerei hazànkban. (The expériences and successes of the Bulgarian Church in our country.) Szàzadok 61 (1927) 1-7.

215 Annales Bertiniani. Quellen zur karolingischen Reichsgeschichte. Bearbeitet von Reinhold Rau. WBG Darmstadt, 1992, 114.

216 Annales Bertiniani, cited work (1992) 116, 160, 212, 218.

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217 Annales of Fulda, cited work (2019) 215-216. – Annales Xantenses. Quellen zur karolingischen Reichsgeschichte. WBG Darmstadt 1992, 364, 366. This relation emphasizes the immense fortification of Raztislav, the similar of which were not built by the ancient peoples (in illam ineffabilem Raztizi munitionem et omnibus antiquissimis dissimilem venisset). With this characterization we have to compare the description of urbs Paludarum of Brazlav and the excavated buildings of Zalavàr ! 218 Svatopluk was a frank vassal, who conquered the reign above the territory situated at north of the Danube (Bohemia), later he refused the obedience to Arnolf. But he also conquered the territories at east of Bohemia, he however was not the prince of the northern Moravs, but the prince of the Bohemians (Boemi regnante Zuentepulco duce quondam fuere principes nostri). 219 Around 890 Svatopluk enlarged his power as far as the Gran (Garam). This country is called Sclavonia in Germania in the sources, differentiating from the southern Moravia, the Sclavonia Moravian. Svatopluk died in 894. He was called Salàn by Anonymus, 220 Simon Kézai is discussing more amply Svatopluk, son of Marot, a certain prince from Poland, the prince of Bulgarians and Moravians. 221 Metod is represented many times as bishop of Pannonia and Moravia. This raises several questions. Metod « after having spent fourty months in Morva country started to ordain his disciples. On his road Kocel prince of Pannonia recieved him (869). And Kocel recieved him with great honor and later he sent him with twenty honorable men to the pope in order to ordain him bishop of Pannonia and to institute him in the chair of Saint Andronikos apostle, one of the seventieth (na episkopstvo v pannonii). » 222 Civitas Cheziloni, qui regnum inter Drave et Save tenuit, thus there is no question of the Balaton region, but on the contrary they declare that the centre of Kocel Mosaburg /the corresponding Hungarian place Mocsàrvàr/ was at the place of Zalavàr ! 223 Privina and his son, Kocel exercized his power in the zone along the Drave, as a frank vassal. 224 Pannonia Sirmiensis did not belong neither to the patriarch of Constantinople, nor to the archbishopric of Salzburg, because it was situated at the south of Drave. Drave was also the boarder of the canonic law between the patriarchate of Aquilea and the archbishopric of Salzburg. The competence of Metod, as archbishop of Pannonia was extended not only on Pannonia, but also on Moravia and even on Karantania, however staying at the centre of Kocel (in the Moosburg of Karantania !) felt in conflict with the archbishopric of Salzburg, he was imprisoned in 870 and was held in prison during years (until 873). 225 VIII. John Pope nominated him in 879 the archbishop of the Church of Pannonia (archiepiscopus Pannoniensis ecclesiae). Metod could not be bishop of Nitra, because for one reason the situation of ecclesia Nitravensis is not resolved, for the other reason in 880 the archdiocesan centre was occupied by the Swabian Wiching. 226 Later II. Adrian pope has nominated Metod archbishop of Sirmium, renewing that way an old, famous archbishopric (the pope has ordained Metod in 870 bishop of Sirmium as a heir of Saint Andronicus 227), because the pope would have extended his jurisdiction also on Bulgaria.

218 Fuldai évkönyvek (Annales of Fulda), cited work (2019) 214 : it tells about all of the fortifications of the region reinforced with wall : omnia moenia regionis. It deals with stone walls !

219 Thietmar von Merseburg, Chronik. Thietmar Merseburgensis episcopi, chronicon. AQDGM IX. Neuübertragen und erläutert von Werner Trillmich. WBG Darmstadt, 2002, 346.

220 Anonymus, A magyarok cselekedetei. (The acts of the Hungarians.) Osiris, Budapest, 1999, 20.

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221 Simon Kézai, A magyarok cselekedetei. (The acts of the Hungarians.) Osiris, Budapest, 1999, 102-103.

222 Pannoniai legendàk (The legends of Pannonia), cited work 65-66. In the 2-nd note Piroska F. Kovàcs relates as a fact, « the partian principality (in the region of Balaton and Zala river) founded by Pribina in the territory of earlier Pannonia, its centre Mosaburg, the today’s Zalavàr » and on the same 95. – MMFH II. 150.

223 Imre H. Tóth, cited work (1981) 111. The author shows accurately the contradiction, that consists in that, that the south-west end of Balaton is outside the road leading both to Constantinople and to Rome, while the Moosburg of Carinthia is just next to the Kiev-Aquilea-Rome road (the great roman army road).

224 Péter Vàczy, A frank hàborù és az avar nép. (The frank war and the Avar people.) Szàzadok 108 (1974) 1045.

225 Tamàs Notàri, cited work (2007) 267. – See Imre H. Tóth, cited work (1981) 184-186.

226 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 262.

227 « Where was situated the centre of Metod as a bishop of Sirmium and of Pannonia from 870 to 880, we do not have any data. » Istvàn Kniezsa , Cirill és Metod működésének kérdése a Nyitra-vidéken. (The question of the activity of Cirill and Metod in the Nitra-region.) Szàzadok 78 (1944) 263. – See Imre H. Tóth, cited work (1981) 143-144. Following Imre H. Tóth the new archbishop could not occupy his archepiscopal seat, because Sirmium, in the sense of the peace of Paderborn, belonged to Bulgaria.

However Metod, and it can be justified, never was in the region of Zala river, nor in the northern part of the Danube, because there was no city of the name Morava, but only a river! Now the bishops were nominated for the cities and not for territories. A country called Moravia, as the country of Svjatopluk was mentioned by the sources in the south. 228 No single source knows where was the centre of Metod archbishop. 229 Istvàn Kniezsa hypothesized « it is not impossible either, that he stayed in the capital of Kocel, the successor of Pribyna, Mosaburg. » However in his notes he considers it unprobable, as in 874 on the territory of Kocel the archbishop of Salzburg, Theotman has consacrated a church. 230 Metod could meet in 882 in the environment of Low-Danube with a Hungarian prince, probably with prince Árpàd. 231 The diocese of Metod in Pannonia, that was re-established by pope II. Adrian in 872, was closed in 879. After this Metod became archiepiscopus sancte ecclesie Marabensis. Rome wanted to get the jurisdiction of the former Pannonia Sirmiensis, that’s why he insisted in the re-establishment of archbishopric of Sirmium and in the nomination of Metod. Metod died in 885 and this has influenced a lot the later events. Episcopus Moraviensis existed still in 976 too, because this bishop has attended the council of Mainz. 232 The important proof of the activity of Metod in Zalavàr came into light during the excavations, pretends the excavator archeolog. In 2009 in the section wall (?) of a segment they found on a polished fragment of a bottle an inscription fragment written with scraped, round so-called obla glagolita letters. The excavater has noted : « Auch hier bekommen sie Schüler zu Seite, und Chezil lernt selbst die die slawische Schrift – wofür die in Zalavàr-Burginsel gefunden, auf die Wandfläche der Flaschen mit polierter Oberfläche geritzten runden (obla Glagolita) Buchstaben einer der sensationellen archäologischen Funde der letzten Jahre sind. Auf den Fragmenten mehr oder weniger gut zu erkennen sind die Buchstaben g (glagol’i), oder v (vede), i (iz), o , f (fert ), ä (jat ) und das Kreuz als Worttrenner oder als Buchstabe a (az ). » 233 These letters are indeed very important findings, since the role of Constantine and Metod in the creation of the Slavic writing was a

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worldwide famous development. Constantine (Cirill) the Philosopher has created in 863 the glagolita alfabet in Dalmatia, and his brother Metod too learned it and he tought it to fifty disciples.

The discovery of the letters of glagolita writing in Zalavàr is a proof for the fact that in this region rather a large number of south-Slaves (Slovenes) lived in the VIII-XI-th century, and they used also the old Bulgarian language, since Metod has translated a great part of the Bible to this language, and he started also there his mission. This is reinforced also by the plombbull of Bulgarian archbishop Georgiosz, that was found in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget ploughing, as a rare vestige. 234 These findings do not prove, however, that Mosaburg could have been in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget ! These findings do prove that together with the costumes found, with the anthropologic characteristics, the buriel rites (cremation) that in the south-west territory of Balaton in the post Christ VIII-IX-th century, a great part of the population was composed of Slavic people migrating from the south (in Sclavonica lingua speaking Slovenes, Sclavini).

228 Imre Boba, cited work (1967) 93. Andreas Dandolo from the XIV-th century, in his Chronicle of Venice calls Svatopluk king of Dalmatia. See Péter Püspöki Nagy, cited work (1982) 6. – Bíborbanszületett Konstantin, A birodalom kormànyzàsa. (Constantine born in purple, The governing of the empire.) Translated by Gyula Moravcsik. Lectum Kiadó, Szeged, 2003, 36. cap. 13, 101-102, cap. 41. – See Kornél Bakay, cited work (1998) 271-272.

229 Istvàn Kniezsa, A szlàv apostolok és a tótok. (The Slavic apostles and the Tots.) A Magyar Történettudomànyi Intézet Évkönyve, Budapest, (1942) 178.

230 Istvàn Kniezsa, cited work (1942) 181, 4-th note.

231 Imre H. Tóth, Metod talàlkozàsa az « ugor kiràllyal ». In : A honfoglalàs 1100 éve és a Vajdasàg. (Meeting of Metod with the « Ugrian king ». In : 1100-th year of the country conquest and Voivodina.) Novisad-Újvidék, Forum, 1997, 114-115. – See MHK reprint kiadàs, 1996, 354-355.

232 Imre Boba, The Episcopacy of St. Methodius. Slavic Review 26 (1967) 85-93.

233 Wolfram Herwig, cited work Conversio cap. 12. : « a certain Greek named Metod, expelled the latin language with his newly created sclavin writings…(quidam Graecus Methodius nomine noviter inventis Sclavinis litteris linguam Latinam.. ») – See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 320.

234 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2014). Summary in German. The same, cited work (2019) 236-267, 264-265.

Among others, Theodosius, bishop of Nona (Nin) of Dalmatia possessed a glagolita psalm-book, that is a proof for the significant role of Nona in the tradition of the glagolita writings. 235 Our written sources deliberately tell, that Pannonia Sirmiensis (the old Pannonia Secunda) was populated from south-southwest by dalmatic Croatians. This was also told by Anonymus : « The territory between the Tibiscus (Tisza) and the Danube as far as the ruthenian and polish boarder was occupied by the great Kean (Kean magnus) prince of Bulgaria, the ancestor of prince Salàn, and was populated by Sclavos et Bulgaros (fecisset ibi habitare). 236 In today’s Slovakia (« populated by Tots », that was never called country of Tots 237), Cirill and Metod could never operate, because their worship is completely missing. In the Upper Hungary, in today’s Slovakia, there was only one church consacrated at honor of Cirill and Metod, in Szelec, but this happened only in 1863 ! Metod however was not doing the religious service along the eastern, but along the western rite. 238 Morava was a city, a site (pagus) along the Save, the city of which Metod was the bishop, earlier this city was called Sirmium (civitas Pannoniae). The part at the north

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of Save of Sirmium became Mitrovica (Szàvaszentdemeter). There is an important fact that VII. Constantine in his great work does not know anything of the frank occupation of Transdanubia and that of the bulgarian in Transtibiscia! The so-called competent researchers declare that everything is decided by the archeologic findings, but this is not at all true ! The excavations carried out in some seventy five years in Zalavàr do not prove that Zalavàr-Vàrsziget could have been Mosaburg and the rests of the excavated buildings in themselves are not appropriate to declare that Arnolf could have created a royal centre (civitas regia) at the end of the IX-th century (870). From the so-called palace of Arnolf the only proof consists in the excavated 16.8 x 7.8 m base walls of a building between 2011-2014. All that is beyond this is a historic fable, 239 especially the emissions of chart here by Arnolf and the fortification committed to Brazlav, that was occupied by the Hungarians, but in a way that there is no trace of destruction and devastation neither in the vicinity of Small-Balaton, nor in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget… »The rempart of Pannonia is lost, the province of Karoling is lost for ever. » The proof of the great battle could be an iron arrow-head penetrated in a backvertebra. 240 There is no proof either, that the count centre of the comitat of Kolon cited in 1009, and later the comitat of Zala could have been Mosaburg/Zalavàr. « The excavated findings of the last years archeologic researches make more and more probable, that the count centre of this early comitat (i.e. Kolon) could be Zalavàr that was believed Mosaburg. » 241 A vulgar history falsification is, that we « localize » the data of a written source, then the architectural rests found and excavated in a given place are « identified » with the data of the source and we behave as it were a complete and loyal identity. 242 The confidence of such a determination based on an a priori decided archeologic program is doubtful. » Thus we cannot accept that the archeolog goes to the excavation with achieved hypotheses and compares the observed facts with the achieved hypotheses.

235 Following the researches of Imre Boba. His help of many years ago is this way thanked once again.

236 Anonymus, SRH I. 48.

237 On the territory of the former empire of Svatopluk the Tots (Slovakians) are the descendents of the Czechs and Moravians immigrated in the XV-th century. See Sàndor Màrki, A középkor kezdete Magyarorszàgon II. (The beginning of the Middle Age in Hungary II.) Szàzadok 24 (1890) 396. Totcountry was the name of Slavonia. ! In the Hungarian language the name Tot for the Slovakians has a turkish origin (Das Wort tat echttürkischen Ursprungs) and means that a people of lower rank (gens), the members of which do not live on a constant place, but are erring and they are not of good value (un vagabond, un vaurien). Between the Tots (Slovakians) of Upper Hungary and the Tot country in the south, there is thus only this relationship. See Wilhelm Tomaschek, Die Goten in Taurien. Etnologische Forschungen über Ost-Europa und Nord-Asien. Wien, 1881, 5.

238 Istvàn Kniezsa, cited work (1944) 264.

239 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 303-304.

240 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 293.

241 Làszló Vàndor, cited work (2002) 103.

242 To this most vulgar example : Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2002) 89-100.

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This consideration is contrary to the from the concreet to the general, to the way of thinking inspired by the judicious intelligence. » 243 Zalavàr-Vàrsziget was never Mosaburg. The traces of the excavated fortifications, the rests of the found churches, the buriels that came into light (it deals with some four thousends tombs !), the dating of all these in the IX-th century was based on questionable knowledges (types of objects, ceramics, rites 244), although there are among them some correct datings, or perhaps could be.

However, we do not know a single medal from the IX-th century, even no trace could be found of the money gestion in Pannonia, 245 that does not mean that the IX-th century dating in certain cases is not accurate, but it means that a frank county, that was also an economic centre, could not function without any economic and money trace ! However in 2019 a byzantine gold solidus from the VIII-th century came to light in a tomb with a sword (tomb 20/19-th), 246 that suggests the dating of the buriel to the late avar or early Hungarian periods. 

All data, written and object documents show that the Hungarians made decision based on the sites and cemeteries of surviving avar-germanic-slavic people 247, in order to fortify and to use the territory having good natural defensive dispositions, as they did it in other cases too. Due to the perfect defensive disposition came here the county fortified castle of Zala and the monastery. We do not know much from the county fortified castle, the later excavations, hopefully will resolve many questions.

The natural defence due to the swamp however has retarded the development of Zala after the XIV-th century, and in a consequence only the monastery that became a legal place could survive.

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At the northern side of the former benedictine monastery having a territory of about three hectars (the total surface of Vàrsziget is ca. 12 hectars 249) (that was almost completely distroyed) was standing a seemingly three naves, but small monastery church (or better a chapel ?). Outside the monastery at north of it was built a 50 m long, projected to become representative, royal church, that could not be the church of Privina, but much better a royal founded already in 1019 consacrated church, the construction of which should have been started at the end of the X-th century.

243 Péter Püspöki Nagy, cited work (1985) 15-16. – Nándor Kalicz –Pál Racky, Új-e az ùjrégészet ? (Is new the new archeology ?) Valósàg 6 (1977) 77.

244 It seems that the resurrection of the slavic way of thinking can be seen once again. See Bolko Richthofen, A szlàv kérdés Magyarorszàg régibb középkori archaeologiàjàban. (The slavic question in the archeology of former middle age Hungary.) Archaeologiai Értesitő 40(1923/26) 140-157. And Katalin Màrkiné Poll, A zsennyei kincs. (The treasure of Zsennye.) Archaeologiai Értesitő 46 (1932/33) 62-84.

245 Istvàn Gedai, The role of the Carpathian Basin in the Byzantine coinage of the 8th-11th centuries. In : Commentationes numismaticae 1988. Festgabe für Gert und Vera Hatz. Hamburg 1988, 31 : from the post avar period there is hardly any coin find (there are hardly any coin finds). In 2019 in Zalavàr in a tomb with a sword, a brilliant uncirculated gold solidus of V. Constantine emperor of Byzance came to the light !

246 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 445,2896-th note.

247 Petrus Ransanus has noted, that « the Hungarians possessed the entire Pannonia, and that way they have changed the name of many old cities, and they have founded several new ones and now we have to show the name of both the new peoples and of the new cities founded by them. » Petrus Ransanus, A magyarok történetének rövid foglalata. (Short summary of the history of the Hungarians.) Published by Làszló Blazovich and Erzsébet Sz. Galàntai. Bibliotheca Historica. Europa

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Kiadó, Budapest, 1985, 63. Anonymus speaks also of this people migration : « The territory that was between the Tisa (Theiß) and the Danube was occupied by the great Kean (Keanus magnus), prince of Bulgaria, ancestor of prince Salàn, as far as the border of the Ruthaniens and the Poles, he placed there Slaves (Sclavi) and Bulgarians (Bulgaros) as inhabitants. » « …After the death of king Athila the Great Kean…established Slaves (Sclavi) from the territory of Bulgaria. » Anonymus, Gesta Hungarorum. Béla kiràly jegyzőjének könyve a magyarok cselekedeteiről. (Book of the secretary of king Béla on the acts of the Hungarians.) Translated by : Dezső Pais. Magyar Helikon, Budapest, 1977, 89-91. – SRH I. 48, 51. But even in the IX-th century there were Gepids in Pannonia. See Wolfram, cited work Conversio, cap. 6. De Gepidis autem quidam adhuc ibi resident.

248 Ágnes Ritoók, The decline of a central place in the Middle Ages : Zalavàr. In : Castellum, civitas, urbs. Zentren und Eliten in frühmittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa. Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 6. Hrsg. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamàska, Hajnalka Herold, Péter Straub und Tivadar Vida. Budapest, Leipzig, Keszthely, Rahden, 2015, 103-111.

249 Béla Miklós Szőke, Mosaburg – ein neues Zentrum der Klein-Balaton-Region und seine Beziehungen zu Keszthely-Fenékpuszta. In Keszthely-Fenékpuszta im Spiegel der Jahrtausende. Leipzig-Zalaegerszeg, 2009, 93.

The hypothetic dating is also supported by the remaining sculptured stones, that really belong to the earliest decorations. 250 This makes possible to raise the hypothesis that the church attributed to Privina, the Saint Adrian-church, was really consacrated at the honor of Adrian, even more the tomb place foreseen for a relic holder (if it were that way !) could be accurately understood, although such a tomb of a dimension 1.6 x 1.8 m) used to be an ossarium. 251 This church of a great dimension could thus not be built for Privina in the IX-th century, but it could be arisen at the end of the X-th century or in the beginning of the XI-th century in the earliest comitat centre of the Hungarian Principality, that was never called Mosaburg, neither Blatnograd, nor civitas Priwiniae, nor urbs Chezilonis, but monasterium and castrum of Zala (Zaladiensis, Zaladino 252). György Györffy has shown that the « monasteries of the Árpàd-period were originally royal courts, curtis, to which belonged one-two royal chapel. The foundation of the monastery meant in fact the consacration for an ecclesiastic purpose, of the court, of the chapels and of the other court belonging economic structure. Among the first such ones were Pécsvàrad, Zalavàr and perhaps even Pannonhalma. » 253 From the rests of the buildings, the found documents and the datings the discussions are not finished and the artistic qualities of the architecture of the buildings did not become by reusing the rests of the creations erected in the Karoling-period of the IX-th century.

The excavations of the last 25 years brought significant new results, but the preconception could not be transformed into authentic reality. 254 Outside that the analysis of the buriels is still waiting ! 225 A big question is the former water level of Balaton. The examinations show 256 that the neighbouring territory of Zalavàr-Vàrsziget and Récéskùt, until the XIII-th century was not at all a swampy territory ! 257 The highest water level of Balaton was in the XIII-th and XVI-th century : 112-113 m. 258 Nagyberek extended as far as Somogyvàr. 259 In that time Tihany, Szigliget, Fonyód, Boglàr, Szentgyörgy were islands. The lowest water level was in the roman-period and later in the VI-X-th century, thus in the IX-th century the hills around Zala river were not directly sorrounded by water. In the VIII-IX-th century the water level was rather low ! 260

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250 In Somogyvàr too they have found several pieces. Kornél Bakay, cited work (2011) 52, 80-81-st picture ; 72, 110-th picture ; 77, 120-th picture ;83, 126-th picture ; 82-83, 127-128-th picture ; 127, 196-th picture ; 146, 346-th picture ;205, 547-th picture. 251 See Kornél Bakay, cited work (2011) 162, 344-th picture ; 165, 357-th picture ; 175, 397, 400 and 401-st picture ; 185, 436-th picture (plan).

252 The great legend of Saint Gerardus bishop. In : Árpàd-kori legendàk és intelmek. (The legends and admonitions of Árpàd-period.) Szépirodalmi Kiadó, Budapest, 1983, 83. – SRH II. 493 : Stephanus et Anselmus duo de Zaladino.

253 György Györffy, A magyar egyhàzszervezés kezdeteiről, ùjabb forràskritikai vizsgàlatok alapjàn. (From the beginning of the Hungarian Church organization on the basis of newer source critical observations.) MTA II. Osztàly Közleményei 18 (1969) 214.

254 Ágnes Ritoók, cited work (2014) 281-303.

255 The excavater Béla Miklós Szőke in July of 2020 did not allow me to examine the notebooks of the excavation, saying that I can study soon the Zalavàr-monography that is in press.

256 Based on the climatic examinations, due to the influence of the atmospheric change in the Carpathian-basin between years 750 and 900 there was a large warming and dryness, that consisted in the decrease of flood territory and the narrowing of the humid parts. See Sàndor Frisnyàk, Kàrpàtenbecken. In : Antropogén tàjformàlàs az alföldön. (Anthropogenic region change in the plane.) Andràs Jósa Múzeum Évkönyve 43 (2001) 555-568.

257 Andràs Gryneusz, Balaton a római korban. (Balaton in the roman period.) Historia 21 (1999) 4-5. n°, 4-5. – Kornél Bakay, Őstörténetünk régészeti forràsai II. (The archeologic sources of our ancient history.) Miskolc, 1998, 256-257.

258 Judit Padisàk, A tó természttörténete. (The natural history of the lake.) Historia 21 (1999) 4-5. n°, 50-53. The very high water level in the turkish period is considered by many too exagerated and they consider it a bold hypothesis. The maximum of the water level could have been 108 m. See Balaton. Szerk. Kàlmàn Tóth. Budapest, Panoràma, 1974, - Pàl Sümegi gave 110-115 m value. The lowest water level 104.0 m. Here it has to be noted, that the highest allowed water level today of Balaton +110 cm in the standard of Siófok, that corresponds to 104.52 m Balti f. height. Earlier it was compared to Adria (A. f. m). See Róbert Müller, Cece vagy guzsaly, radius vagy colus ? Textilgyàrtàs és a Balaton vizàllàsa a 4. szàzadban. (Cece or guzsaly, radius or colus ? Textile production and the Balaton water level in the 4-th century.) Zalai Múzeum 23 (2017) 151.

259 Kornél Bakay, cited work (2011) 526-527. The surface of Nagyberek 714 km², the surface of grove of Boglàr (the Eastern Brushwood) 284 km², the south-eastern grove still 284 km². The deepest point of Nagyberek is 104.5 A. f. m.

260 Pàl Sümegi, Der Balaton als kartographisch-paläökologisches Forschungsobjekt in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. In : Keszthely-Fenékpuszta. Im Spiegel der Jahrtausende. Leipzig-Zalaegerszeg, 2009, 19-25. In the later Transdanubia in the V-X-th centuries after Christ the inhabitants experienced large scale cereals cultivations, viticulture and flourishing orchard culture. 261 The water world that we know from Nagyberek started only in the XIII-th century and subsisted in fact until 1911. 262 Around the Little-Balaton a very large territory and the valley of Zala were earlier (in the first big ice-age) under water. The Balaton had a greater extension earlier, than today. This situation has however greatly changed later, and in the historic periods Balaton has decreased to today’s level (106-107 m).

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In the roman period and later the water level of Balaton was low until the XIII-th century, when the water level raised above 108.5 m. 263 « The neighboring of Little -Balaton was the most abandoned, the most difficult to be accessed of the Balaton-region. The lake basin becoming more and more muddy was almost totally invaded by the reed grass, through to these one had to look for the clean-water stains. The more practical way was to navigate on the Zala or through the Cölömpös-ditch coming from the south. But around Zalavàr there was an open water mirror ! There were a few islands hidden in the swamp and reed grass of the lake. » 264 The Little-Balaton was until the XIX-th century between the territories of Balatonhídvég and Fenékpuszta an open, navigable water. 265 The formation of Little-Balaton from the early bigger golf of Balaton is a recent process. Zala until 1886 ran into Balaton at Balatonhídvég and only after 1886 at Fenékpuszta. The Zala in the Low-Zala-valley runs to the south, then suddenly turns to the east at Balatonhídvég. Above this hugs the hill ridge of Zalavàr. In the IX-th century after Christ the Balaton water level was decreasing (103-105.5 m), on the Fonyód-Bélatelep the height of the dry level was 103.4 m, the level of the church of Aszófő 109.9 m, 266 on the Zalaszabar-Borjùàllàs island the highest point level was 107.1 m. The importance of this territory consisted in the fact that the Kiev-Italy great commercial road went on the northern side of Balaton to Poetovo, however the easiest way to cross the Balaton was at Hídvég and not at Fenékpuszta. 267 This Great Adrian road existed in the period of the romans, the Huns and the Avar empire, and also in the time of the Hungarians. On the opposite the so-called Alps road went from Bavaria to Italy through Karantania and Low-Pannonia and touched the fortified castle and the city of Moosburg of Carinthia. The people of this territory became mixed in the IX-th century, but the history of Zalavàr is not the history of a county of Balaton in the frank empire, although we cannot exclude that in the southwest Balaton was created an avar-slavic-german centre of smaller power. On the basis of the sources, the archeologic findings, the anthropologic data we could draw the characteristics of the former life in a different manner.

The county of Zala and the Saint Adrian monastery

Let us try to draw, to sketch the history of early Middle Age (VIII-IX-th century) of Zalavàr-Vàrsziget, not taking into account the CBC and the data of other relating source, forcefully here cited data.

261 Sylvia Hipp, Venänderungen der Landschaft am westlichen Ende des Balaton von der Römerzeit bis zur Karolingerzeit (1.-9. Jh) In : Keszthely-Fenékpuszta im Spiegel der Jahrtausende. Leipzig-Zalaegerszeg, 2009, 26-30.

262 Gyula Takàts, A Nagyberek vilàga és a Balaton. (The world of Nagyberek and the Balaton.) Jelenkor 9 (1966) 627-635.

263 Kàroly Sàgi, Egy történeti vita természttudomànyi kapcsolatai. (A dispute of a history and its natural-scientific relations.) Vàlasz dr. Simonyi Dezső észrevételére. (Answer at the observation of Dezső Simonyi). Földrajzi Értesitő 19 (1970) 201.

264 Jenő Cholnoky, Balaton. Franklin Tàrsulat, Budapest, é. n. 167.

265 Kàroly Sàgi, A Balaton szerepe Fenékpuszta, Keszthely és Zalavàr IV-IX. szàzadi történetének alakulàsàban. (The role of Balaton in the development of the history of IV-IX-th century of Fenékpuszta, Keszthely and Zalavàr.) Antik Tanulmànyok 15 (1968) 19.

266 Kàroly Sàgi, cited work (1968) 34.

Figure 1. Silver badge of Zalavár, a scattered finding from the church of Adorján, consecrated in 1019 - which was considered to be the church of Hadrian –, with a text written with the logograms of the Hungarian hieroglyphic writing (with the antecedent of Szekler writing) and to be read as „Szár ős ten”, in today’s Hungarian language: „Úristen” (Lord God) (photo graphics made and selected by Géza Varga)

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267 Kàroly Sàgi, cited work (1968) 38-41. – Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2009) 99-100. – The same, cited work (2019) 224. The historical reconstruction exempt of preconceptions does not of course agree with the official Mosaburg-theory, because we only can use those data that are surely related to this place and are related without discussion to this territory.

The basis of the history of the Carpathian-basin in the IX-th century is Avaria. The great number of the avar cemeteries show undoubtedly that the basic population, also around Balaton was Avar from the VI-th century until the X-th century after Christ. 268 The cemeteries with great number of tombs show the presence of many generations living in the same place. (Around Keszthely 3770 tombs, Alsópàhok 1442 tombs, Keszthely-Dobogó 2152 tombs, cemetery Keszthely-Vàros 1539 tombs, Gyenesdiàs ca. 300 tombs, Vörs-Papkert 700 tombs, path of Zalakomàr-Lesvàr ca. 600 tombs, Zamàrdi-Rétiföld 2380 tombs etc.) Several are hypothesizing that in the examined period, from the end of VII-th century, the population density was low, many have migrated away or were settled in another place, some islands (for example Vàrsziget) were uninhabited until the end of the IX-th century. Following many others, however, the archeologic data show still living population, for example in the vicinity of Keszthely and Fenékpuszta. But the cemeteries of Zalavàr-Vàrsziget, they pretend, cannot be compared with the necropoles of Fenékpuszta. 269 Most of the various hypotheses are not enough founded. A part of the researchers explain the sources, as if the nomadic Avars would have considered the agriculturist Slaves as their servants, and they would have insured their conditions of existence by taking prisoners. As an example 270 there is the avar campeign of 602-nd year described by Theophülaktos Simmokattés where Apsikh, avar general commanding in second took the direction on the right side of Danube against the chief commandant of Byzantine Petros, who was preparing a campeign against the Slaves. When the Kagan was informed of the attack of the romans, he sent Apsikh to the mouth of Morava into the Danube with the army. The Kagan committed Apsikh to exterminate the Anta people allied with the Byzantines. 271 After this the avar commandant, possibly at north of the Danube mouth, could go to the territory of Dulebs living between the Dnester and the Bug, where probably took many prisoners.

The numerous prisoners were settled in the uninhabited region between the Murus-Zala rivers. Although this is an undoubtable fact, that in the ancient time as well as in the Middle Age the role of the slaves was very significant, because the basic principle was that the work is only for the slaves and not for the free men !

However, against such considerations are contradictory the written sources and the archeologic data. We learn just from these, that although the Avars, the Hungarians and the Rus were strongly involved in slave-commerce 272, the Avars and the Slaves and also the Hungarians were often fighting together 273 and they buried their deaths in common cemeteries. 274

268 The problem of the survival of the population of the Avar-period was not resolved since more than a half century. See Anton Točik, Zur Frage der slawisch-magyarischen Kontakte an der mittleren Donau im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert. Berichte über de II. Internationalen Kongress 2 (1973) 351-356.

269 Róbert Müller, A kontinuitàs kérdései Fenékpusztàn. (The question of continuity in Fenékpuszta.) Zalai Mùzeum 22 (2015) 25-38. – The same, Die Gräberfelder vor der Südmauer der Befestigung von Keszthely-Fenékpuszta. Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense 1. Budapest, Leipzig, Keszthely, Raden, 2010, 242-247.

270 Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (1996) 104. – The same, cited work (2002) 69.

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271 Theophylaktos Symmokattés, Vilàgtörténelem. (World history.) Translated : Teréz Olajos. Magyar Őstörténeti Könyvtàr 26. Balassi Kiadó, Budapest, 2012, 276-277. The Anta, following some, were no ethnic group, perhaps they are the descendants of the Goths of Pontus. – Istvàn Erdélyi, Zur Frage der frühen awarisch-slawischen Beziehungen. Das Altertum 27 (1981) 55 . See Alexander Avenarius, cited work (1974) 157 : The Anto were Slaves !

272 Nàndor Fettich, A levediai magyarsàg a régészet megvilàgitàsàban. (The Hungarians of Levedia in the light of archeology.) Szàzadok 67 (1933) 267. The question of the origin of the avar bronze casting art and of the topographic disposition of the preparing work-rooms is still today unresolved!

273 In 595 some two thousend Bavarians have attacked the Slaves (super Sclavos inruunt), but the kagàn defeated them and killed them all (superveniente Cacano omnes interficiuntur). The Langobards, together with the Avars and the Slaves (Inter haec Langobardi cum Avaribus et Sclavis) attacked the territory of Istria, burnt and sacked it. In 603 the Avar kagàn sent Slavic troups to Agilulf king, with the help of whom they conquered Cremona city (obsedit civitatem Cremonensem cum Sclavis, quos ei Cacanus, rex Avarorum in solacium miserat). In 663 The son of Lupus, Arnefrit was afraid of Grimuald, that’s why he escaped to the people of the Slaves in Carnuntum, that is called with a bad pronounciation Carantanum (fugit ad Sclavorum gentem in Carnuntum, quod corrupte vocitant Carantanum). In 703 the Slaves have attacked prince Ferdulf with their own army. See Paulus Diaconus, Geschichte der Langobarden. – Historia Langobardorum. Hrsg. Wolfgang F. Schwarz. WBG Darmstadt, 2009, 228, 234, 236, 282, 318. 274 Kornél Bakay, Honfoglalàs- és államalapítàs-kori temetők az Ipoly mentén. (The cemeteries in the country conquest and the state foundation period along the Ipoly.) Studia Comitatensia 6. Szentendre 1978, 166-188. The Slaves, although they were living temporarily under the political submission of the Avars, the way of life of whom they have completely imitated, however they could preserve their relative independence. 275 Even if they were not always equal, the Slaves formed an organic part of the avar empire. 276 The Fredegar-type news have to be reappreciated, because the Slaves as bifulci (double lines/duplicem vestilia/or help people/Beivolk) went to fight, in front of the Avars of foretroups, in front of the avar first line. They helped the Avars in the construction of the boat, at the sieges and generally they were not obliged to fight with the Avars, they did it spontaneously. 277 That way thay imitated more and more the customs of the Avars, the burial rites, the main éléments of the confession. The products of the Avar goldsmiths were more and more spread among the Moravs, the Karantàns. 278 In the common cemeteries the number of boneskeleton and of ashes containing tombs 279 was not identical and the characteristics of the biritual cemeteries were various, moreover in the cemetery of Pókaszepetk 248 next to the early avar buriel (considered being from the VII-th century) 169 ashes containing Slavic tombs were from the VII-IX-th century and following the hypotheses the buriel was not continuous. It is supposed, that in the Zala valley and in the sout-west territory of Balaton the forms of the biritual buriels were different from those in the northern side of Balaton. 280 If however the chronologic order of the Avar-period were on a more solid basis 281 then one could find who and when settled in the Vàrsziget of Zalavàr. Obviously one has to take into account also the refugees, especially commercials and artisans, who settled in the Carpathian-basin from the end of the VII-th century due to Arabs aggression. 282 The slaves and the trade of persons were not stopped by christianity, moreover during many centuries the slaves, the servants were considered as part of the property (like the animals or the earth, the forest, the vineyard), however the ideology of their more frequent liberation has changed.

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We see from the sources that the during centuries well functioning Avar empire (pax avarica) has lost its early power strength and in the last quarter of the VIII-th century, but essentially in the IX-th century Avaria impoverished and became a country without strength, due essentially to the infighting, and also to the frank-bavarian invasion. 283 The archeologic findings show this change very well regarding the decrease of the costume pieces in the cemeteries of Vàrsziget and in the other contemporaly cemeteries.

275 Helena Zoll-Adamikowa, Slawisch-awarische Grenzzone im Lichte der Grabfunde. A Wosinszky Mór Mùzeum Évkönyve, Szekszàrd. 15 (1989) 97-102...die Slawen die obwohl sie zeitweise den Awaren politisch unterworfen waren und sich deren Lebensweise völlig aneingeten, doch eine relative selbstständige Existenz führten. It is time to be freed from the stereotypia described by Fredegar (IV. 48. : Chuni aemandum annis singulis in Esclavos veniebant, uxores Sclavorum et filias eorum strato sumebant; tributa super alias oppressiones Sclavi Chunis solvebant.) and know the sites and cemeteries of the mixed (Avar-Slave) inhabitants.

276 After the unsuccesful siege of Constantinople (626) the escaping Slaves were killed on the order of Avar kagàn. See Samu Szàdeczky-Kardoss, cited work (1998) 185.

277 Alexander Avenarius, cited work (1974) 128-130.

278 Béla Miklos Szőke, Spuren des Heidentums in den frühmittelalterlichen Gräberfeldern Ungarns. Studia Slavica 3 (1956) 119-155.

279 Péter Püspöki Nagy has shown that in the 4113 tombs excavated in ten avar cemeteries in Upper Hungary 44 were with ashes buriel, i.e. 1.07 % of the buried ! Cited work (1985) 39.

280 Ágnes Cs. Sós, Jelentés a pókaszepetki àsatàsokrol. (Report on the excavations of Pókaszepetk.) Archaeologiai Értesitő 100 (1973) 66. See Helena Zoll-Adamikova, cited work (1989) 100.

281 Kornél Bakay, Az avarkor időrendjéröl. Újabb temetők a Balaton környékén. (From the chronology of the Avar-period. Newer avar cemeteries in the vicinity of Balaton.) Somogyi Mùzeumok Közleményei 1 (1973) 5-86.

282 Jan Dekan, Herkunft und Ethnizität der gegossenen Bronzeindustrie des VIII. Jahrhunderts. Slovenskà Arheologia 20 (1972) 444.

283 Erik Fügedi, Avarok és morva-szlàvok. (Avars and Morva-Slaves.) Archaeologiai Értesitő 88 (1946/1948) 312.

From these short reports we learn, that the buried persons became poorer, the relatives did not prepare tombholes with bench, there are no supplementary animals, in this region they do not produce ashes, although in North-Europe among the Vikings it remained wide spread the burning of the buried. 284 It seems that in this time, i.e. in the IX-X-th century, even the Slaves did not use ash-buriel, it became an exceeded custom (eines schon überholten Brauches darstellt) that was also prohibited by the christian ideology. 285 In North-Europe, for example in Poland, for example in the XI-XII-th century cemetery of Tansk-Przedbory among the 38 bone skeleton tombs only two ash-burial were found. 286 

The Avars of North-Bàcska were keeping for a while their custom of buriel. Time being they became poorer, what is eccelently shown by the simlification of the findings of the tombs or their complete lacking. 287 This empoverishment is especially shown in the mirror of the earlier buriel’s supplements (Mandelos, Sirmium. 288). They are not able any more to get the metal-decorations for the belt of the dead, that’s why the belt decorations are incomplete, or of mixed composition

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(between melted minting there are pressed discs decorations), or there are no belt with melted minting decoration. 289 Nàndor Fettich almost one century ago has described the possible explanation of this phenomenon : « In order to determine in the huge bronze meltings of decoration how many were prepared in Hungary or how much is the original material the Avars took from their ancient country of Inner-Asia, today we have no means to determine even approximately. What seems to be sure, that the technical execution, the bronze melting is an inheritance from Inner-Asia. » 290 The later Transdanubia became under the role of the frank empire, although it was no militarily occupied territory, the eastern commercial routes became here uncertain. Towards the north, with the Poles, the Czechs, the Rus, the arabic commerce remained unchanged (there is one excavation in Wielkopolska, where with the silver objects some 8 kg silver dirhem was buried), especielly the slaves, the ivy, the honey, the vax and the furs were in great request from the beginning of the IX-th century to the mid X-th century, when appeared the first western (first of all German) medals. 291 The movements of the commercial caravans became more significant in the Transdanubia coming from the west and from the south-west, bringing new types of goods and with them appeared the medals. That’s why it is remarkable, that in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget there is no trace of arabic silver dirhem, nor of the west-european moneys ! Only the medals of our first kings (XI-th century) were found, and only in the tombs !

284 The usual rites among the Vikings, see Neil S. Price, The Viking Way. Religion and War in Late Iron Age Scandinavia. Uppsala, 2002. – At the Poles : Jerzy Gassowski, Cmentarzysko w Konskich na tie zagadnienia poludniowej Mazowsza we wczesnym sredniowieczu. Materialy Wczesnosredniowieczne II (1950/52) 71-174.

285 Nada Miletič, Slovenska nekropola u Gomejnici kod Prijedora. Slawische Nekropole in Gomeinica bei Prijedor. Sveska 21/22 (1967) 146.

286 Lechoslav Rauhut, Lutgarda Dlugopolska, Wczesnosrednieczne cmentarzysko szkieletowe w obudowije kamiennej w Tansku-Przedoborach, pow. Przasnysz. Wiadomosci Archeologiczne 38 (1973) 383-441.

287 Péter Ricz, Az észak-bàcskai avar temetők elhagyàsa időrendjének kérdése. In : A honfoglalàs 1100 éve és a Vajdasàg. (The gestion of the chronology of the abandon of the avar cemeteries. In: The 1100 years of the conquest of the country and Voivodine.) Novi Sad, (Újvidék), Forum, 1997,

157. See Kornél Bakay, cited work (1998) 198. 288 Slavenka Ercegovits-Pavlovits, Mandelos. Starinar 24-25 (1973/74) 107-113.

289 Kornél Bakay, cited work (1998) 245 skk. – Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (1996) 111.

290 Nàndor Fettich, cited work (1933) 256. – Geschichte der Hunnen. Niedergang und Nachfolge. Hrsg. Franz Altheim, Fünfter Band, Berlin, 1962, 269, 284, 286. They have brought with them from Middle-Asia not only the art of bronze melting, but also the schythian animal style. In Europe they were also influenced by the hellenistic art (mythologic scenes), but the griffons, the stags, the various animals, even the vine-shoot decoration (Kreislappenranke) are no hellenistic (byzantine) borrowings. They could bring original meltings, even models with them from their asian country. – See Alexander Avenarius, cited work (1974) 166-168.

291 Ewa Stattler, Kontakty handlowe ludnosci wczesnopolkiej z krajami arabskimi wczesnym sredniowieczu (IX-XI. w.) Slavia Antiqua 13 (1966) 199-267. On the money traffic : 221-230.

The migration reinforced from the south, the south-west, pushed mostly Slaves to the north. However, between 650/660 and 790 there were not many Slaves in the roman Pannonia! From the

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end of the VIII-th century, due to the political and religious influence of the Karoling-empire the movement of Dalmatian and Croatian peoples increased and this way the linguistic influence also increased. Because in the Balkan the number of ashes buriel is small, some think of the migration to the south of the ethnicities in the Morva-valley (territory of the Morav margrave, Little-Moravia). 292 The settlement of the Slaves in the territory of Balkan and Dalmatia has begun already in the VI-th century, when the system of the protection of Danube in the Byzantine empire collapsed completely between 593 and 596. The violent Slave multitudes inundated North-Illyricum and Trakia and begon the slavification of the Balkan-peninsula, first in the southern territories, then later in the northern parts too. The settlement of the Slaves in Korinthos occurred already in the VII-th century. 293 Earlier the Avars were in enemy attitude towards the Slaves, later however they supported their settlement also in the Peloponezos. 294

There are also source data on the conquest of the Croatians and the Serbs, possibly under the domination of the Byzantic emperors. The balkanic conquest of the Slaves finished in the mid VII-th century. 295 To the increasing role of the Slaves, both the written sources and the archeologic data are referring, although there are significant differences between the southern and the northern Slaves. The proportion of the various peoples is well shown by the enumaration of Theophylaktos Symmokattés that was taken from the Chronology of Theophanés, following which there were three thousend Avar prisoners among those taken by the Byzantines, other barbars above four thousend, besides, two thousend two hundred, and eight thousend Slaves. 296 Among the deaths of earlier times (V-VI-th century) they have found also deformed skull individuals in Bosnia (Rakovčani), thus part of the inhabitants of the Hun period was still living, later in the IX-XIV-th century big cemeteries (near Bugojno Čipuljič Cerkvine) already the traditional jewels appeared, in tombs of roman type, that are also characteristic in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget. 297 From the population of the strong balkanic Bulgarian state and of the Croatian state new settlers (a part of the Croatians who came to Dalmatia left and conquered Illyrikon and Pannonia) who were called by the sources Sclavi, Sklavini, Sklavinoi and also Avars. 298 Anonymus enumerates still Bohemi, Poloni, Rutheni, Carantani peoples. The Slovenes (from the territory of later Slavonia and Dalmatia, also from earlier Pannonia Secunda 299) and also the Caranthani were especially important actors, because they conquered the later Up-earth or Upper Hungary (today’s Slovakia), not only the Pannonia Inferior. Following Helmold the Moravians are Caranthans, they live in south from the Czechs (ab austro Boemos et eos qui dicuntur Marahi sive Karinti). Together with the territory of the Slaves (in partem Slavoniae) they used to mention Ungaria too, although both the customs and the languages are different. He also tells that the Carinthians are limitrophe with the Bavarians (Carinti confines sunt Bawaris), do serve God, and there is no another pious and honest people and they honor their priests fervently. 300 Their importance appears most in the fact, that they have introduced a spiritual and material culture strongly different from the avar culture that they developed during some three hundred years in the territory of Pannonia province.

292 Ágnes Cs. Sós, cited work (1973) 76.

293 Mirjana Ljubinkovič. Les trouvailles archéologiques de Corinthe et l’archéologie Slave du Xͤ-Xie siècles.

294 Menandros, cited work (2019) 134-136. And Péter Püspöki Nagy, cited work (1985) 33.

295 Jadran Ferluga, Byzanz auf dem Balkan im frühen Mittelalter. Forschungen. Internationale Zeitschrift für Geschichte, Kultur und Landeskunde Südosteuropas. München, 44 (1985) 1-16.

296 Theophylaktos Szymmokattés, Vilàgtörténelem. (World history.) Translated and wrote Teréz Olajos the introduction and the notes. Magyar Őstörténeti Könyvtàr 26. Balassi Kiado, Budapest, 2012, 272.

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297 Nada Miletič, Neue Beiträge zur Kenntnis der autochtonen Kulturelemente in Bosnien zur Zeit der Einwanderung der Slawen. Posebna Izdanja XII. Sarajevo, 1969, 237-238. See Béla Miklós Szőke, cited work (2019) 428-458.

298 Bíborbanszületett Konstantin, A birodalom kormànyzàsa. (Constantine born in the velvet, The governing of the empire.) Lectum Kiadó, Szeged, 2003, 70.

299 Pahič Stanko, Staroslovenski grobovi v Brezaju pri Zrečah. – Altslawische Gräber in Brezje bei Zrece. Archeoloski Vestnik (Ljubljana) 18 (1967) 357-373.

As they already knew the christianity, they began to spread the new construction and buriel form (churches, stone and brick buildings), following a new dressing fashion they have transformed the custom, they have introduced new instrument and arm types corresponding to the usual european custom and commercial proposal. 301 The defeated Gepidas had also a great role, both in the metal-work and in the architecture and in the bookprinting. 302 In the territory of Poetovio (Pettau, Ptuj), a significant site of the Roman empire, they have excavated a cemetery having some four hundred tombs, the analysis of which is particularly important for the good understanding of the excavations of Zalavàr. 303 The annexes of the tombs before the Slaves (vorslawische Zeit) have germanic characters, that is explained obviously by the presence of germanic soldiers in the roman army. Possibly alemann tribe groups were living in Poetovio. The order of the buriel of the Slavic period is rather irregular, more intense periods could be experienced in the phase of Köttlach and Bjelobrdo. These were differentiated from the two older avar buriel groups, in these tombs there was ceramic of avar-slave types, that were mixed with tombs belonging to the horizon of an older phase of Karantàn-Köttlach culture. There is no doubt, that these types of culture were in strong genetic relation with each other, that created the moravian, the middle-danubian and post-avar period of the pannon region (Es besteht kein Zweifel, dass mit ihr genetisch alle Kulturen eng verbunden sind, die sich im märischen, mittleren Donau- und pannonischen Raum in der postawarischen Zeitspanne formten). In the cemetery of Ptuj, it is possible to date the tombs, in agreement with the buriels of the great moravian phase, from the beginning of the IX-th century perhaps to the beginning of the X-th century. It is however questionable, whether its representatives appeared already in the phase of Köttlach ? But in all cases they came earlier, before they could borrow the elements of the culture of Bjelobrod. Before the appearance of the tombs of Bjelobrod, on the basis of archeologic and mainly chronologic criteria, only excluding two explicitly ancient hungarian tombs (zwei ausgeprägten altungarischen Gräbern ausgeschlossen werden) one can show a cultural horizon. The two buriels considered as hungarian (13-th woman and 262-nd man tomb), their annexes (formed from silver disc two pieces pendant with a hart form, long knives, quiver hanging and arrow points) can be dated from the mid IX-th century to the X-th century. Above and below the man corpse, there were planks. 304 The cemetery of Ptuj was populated by small groups of Slavic tribes, like the Southeastern Alps, the open region of Pannonia, Dalmatia province and the part from the Danube region to Low-Danube region. We have no written data from the earlier settlement of the Slaves in Ptuj, however the historians link this with the beginning of the diocese of Ptuj (around 570). Although we have no written data, some Slavic families could settle at various places of Poetovio. The earliest Slavic annexes have appeared in the earlier phase of the culture of Caranthan-Köttlach, probably at the Slavic groups of East Alps region. At this wave of settlement one cannot exclude that it was linked with the pressure of Avars (da sie auch mit jenem Stoss kommen könnten, der die Verschiebung der Awaren ausgelöst hat). It is sure that the privileged strategic situation of Ptuj was also an important passage for the Avars, between Pannonia and Save region, during the military expéditions towards Italy. 305 This region was in close contact with the territory of Moslavina, that was especially fortified by the Avars, and they conquered it already in the VI-th century and kept it until the IX-th century,

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even more they have extended their power also on the basin of Ljubljana, where the avar place names (Obrje, Obar) remained.

300 Helmold von Bosau, Slawenchronik. – Chronica Slavorum. Neu übertragen und erläutert von Heinz Stoob. WBG Darmstadt, 1990, 34-36. –

301 I have completed the reasoning of Imre Boba. Our discussions brought attention to many new aspects.

302 Bíborbanszületett Konstantin, A birodalom kormànyzàsa. (Constantin born in velvet, The governing of the empire.) cited work (2003) 59.

303 J. Korošec, Staroslovensko grobišče na ptujskom gradu. Ljubljana, 1950. – Paola Korošec, Das Gräberfeld an dem Schlossberg von Ptuj. Turnierplatz. Pokrajinski Muzej Ptuj, 1999.

304 Paola Korošec, Das Gräberfeld an dem Schlossberg von Ptuj. Turnierplatz. Pokrajinski Muzej Ptuj, 1999, 136.

305 Andràs Graf, Übersicht der Antiken Geographie von Pannonien. Dissertatio Pannonicae, Ser. I. fasc. 5. Budapest, 1936, 68. 

There was a smaller group of tombs in the cemetery, with Avar-Slavic charecteristics, these were obviously buriels of persons having definite social perhaps military functions. The annexes found in the tombs were not explicitly of military characteristics (die Inventare keine standardmässigen militärischen Insignien aufweisen), but among the buried individuals with harnesses, horse equipments there was also a woman tomb, who was probably member of the civil company and was not Avar but Slave. 306 The culture of Köttlach/Kettlach and the so-called culture of Bjelobrod are not only contemporary (VIII-XI-th century), but also determining the period of late migration and the early christianity in the western part of the Carpathian-basin. Those who are lying in the cemetery around the church of Köttlach in Low-Austria and those who are lying in the cemetery of Krungl in Stajer country were not only pagan, like the Caranthans and the Bavarians either, but they still kept the influence of the some three hundred years of avar domination. The enamelled discs, the ear pendants (pendants with grape decoration, pendants decorated with biconical spheres (berries), pendants of half-moon form with an extension piece of star form, 307 prepared with a typical colour-symbolism and symbols transformed into christian symbols, let us think of the enamelled bronze disc representing Christ in Badacsonytomaj-Abrahàmhegy or the findings of tombs of Köttlach and of Krungl. However, the jewelries and relics coming from the west to the east were conserving the eastern avar traditions and forms. On the enamelled bronze amulets are represented avar griffons lifting the right foreleg, that are transforming slowly to Agnus Dei. Contrary to the art of the Avars representing geometric forms and animals, after the VIII-th century the custom became general using vegetals as representations. Even the members of the animals became vegetable-like. Later the hungarian palmetta took place among the motives. Sometimes even on the ends of belt taking prickle spurs appear. These symbols were transmitted purposefully. The three leafs vegetal form of the half-moon ear pendant was also taken from the hungarian palmetta.

The political situation (politische Situation) taking place in the IX-th century has transformed also the civil organisations. Some local prince (einige heimische Fürste) recieved from the frank power (seitens der fränkischen Macht) certain territories and various priviledges, and so were

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created small principalities (kleine Fürstentume). This way was created the principality of Low-Pannonia, with its chief Pribina (in dieser Zeit die Entstehung des Fürstentums in Unterpannonien bedeutsam, mit Fürst Pribina an der Spitze). This principality comprised the territory between Drave and Save, one part of the environment of Ptuj, that Pribina got as vassal (als Lehen erhielt), but could also comprise Zalavàr-Vàrsziget !

Regarding the chronology of the findings belonging to the great Moravian phase of Schloßberg-cemetery of Ptuj, it is certain, that Pribina and his son, Kocel, without doubt with their companies were living here several times (es ist zweifellos, dass Pribina und sein Sohn Kocelj, vermutlich mit deren Begleitschaft hier mehrmals wohnten). Between 840 and 853 he made built a private church in Ptuj (eine Eigentumskirche), but also Kocel begon to construct a sacred object, that was consacrated in 874, after his death, by archbishop Teotmar of Salzburg. Following written sources, after the disappearance of Kocel (in 874), his wife settled in a court in the eastern part of Ptuj. The findings of the cemetery show, that she did not come alone, in addition to her company she took also her two sons, the tombs of whom could be perhaps identified.

306 Paola Korošec, cited work (1999) 146-148.

307 Stojan Dimitrevič, Četeri groba iz novootkrivene slavenska nekropole u Otoku kod Vinkovaca. – Vier Gräber aus dem neuentdeckten slawischen Gräberfeld in Otok bei Vinkovci mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der halbmondformigen Ohrgehänge mit sternförmigen Ansatzstück. Opuscula Archaeologica (1957) 21-38 and V table.

Next to 341-st tomb they have found kid spurs. In the 355-th richer tomb they have buried a very high ranking, relatively young woman (eine sehr hohe Persönlichkeit) in the characteristic feest costum of moravian distinguished people. The skeleton, in the part above the chest, was wounded, that’s why it cannot be known, whether in her neck and on her chest there were still jewelries. In all cases, on her right hand there was a big ring that was wearing in glove because this was a man ring. 

On her link hand she was wearing a thinner ring. On the basis of written sources and the chronology and also the annexes, this tomb was surely the buriel of the wife of Kocel (es ist zweifellos, dass in diesem Grab Kocelj Frau begraben ist). 308 Knowing the above-mentioned facts we have to examine the tombs of Zalavàr-Vàrsziget and the characteristics of the neighbouring cemeteries. 309 The pendants of bunch form, the ear pendants of bunch form, of half-moon form, the pendants with three spheres, the german-slavic (bavarian-karantàn) jewelriesof Köttlach-type were wide spread from the Balkan to the territory of north Moravians. 310 It is particularly interesting the road of spreading of these jewelries, because they have arrived on the antique commercial roads for example from Carantania to Bosnia-Hercegovina (Baltine bare), 311 but many types were prepared in situ. Obviously these jewelries, tools and arms, were mainly used, where the people understood the symbols, where the fashion (for example the two pieces pendant neck ribbon or the prickle spur) was well spread, where the christian symbols, jewelries, costums produced by the workshop of Regensburg, Salzburg, Pettau, Aquilea were accepted and where could have access to the arms of frank industries, first of all the double-edged swords and prickle spurs. 312 Putting sickles and wooden buckets in the tombs is not characteristic of a particular ethnical. 313 Because the number of objects of the type of Köttlach is small in the territory of Hungary (Detta, Kiskőszeg, Majs), the western Bavarian-Frank christian missionaries could not obtain significant results in Pannonia Inferior, and better, the Slavic groups arrived from the south-southwest, along the Drave, but not from the west, along the Danube. The old road (strada alta) was used several times during the Hungarian attacks (899-952), it is called

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strada Hungarorum by the sources, that was called by the Slaves, due to the devastation of the Magyars, Vastata Hungarorum. 314 Following the archeologic data in the IX-th century (862) the Hungarians did not appear yet in great number in the territory of Pannonia, that’s why in the avar-slavic cemeteries (Vörs-Papkert, Ptuj, Zalavàr-Vàrsziget) we only find a small number of buriels of such characteristics. The great number of the annexes belonging to the culture of Bjelobrdo shows that at the turning of X-XI-th century the newcomers went very strongly to the west from Pannonia (die neuen Ankömmlingen aus Pannonien sehr stark anstieg), and these newcomers were first of all Slaves.

The explanation of the excavated buriel with double-edged swords at Vàrsziget in 2019 is very typical, that was summerized (previously) by Béla Miklós Szőke. The sword decorated with silver niello handful botton and with short traverse came to light in the tomb of a man of around 25 years old, who was wearing a spur and had a bag, and below his ribs, in a somewhat disorganized position, there was a brilliant uncirculated gold solidus of Siracusa of V. Constantine Byzantine emperor (741- 775).

308 Paola Korošec, cited work (1999) 149.

309 Kornél Bakay, cited work (1998) 269-295. I have to emphasize here, that the excavators did not allow me to consult the excavation notebooks in the summer of 2020, saying that the summerizing monography is in press! The analysis of the tombs is however completely missing in the Mosaburg-Zalavàrt 1. Volume.

310 Zlata Čilinska, Frauenschmuck aus dem 7.-8. Jahrhundert im Karpatenbecken. Slovenskà Arheologia 23 (1973) 63-93. – Radomir Jurič, Srednjovekovni nakit na nasem promorju izmedu Cetine i Istre. Zbornik Pedagoškog Fakulteta, Rijeka. 1993, 115-130.

311 Nada Miletič, Slovenska nekropola u Gomejnici kod Prijedora. – Slawische Nekropole in Gomejnica bei Prijedor. Sveska 21/22 Archeologija, Sarajevo, 1967, 81-154 and XXXII. table.

312 In the cemetery of Ptuj, there was spur, mainly held by belt in the tombs 123, 143, 149, 163 and

297-th. The prickle of the spur of the 123-rd tomb was decorated. In the 50-th tomb of the cemetery of Mikulčice dated for around 825, the spurs with palmette decoration were gilded. The tombs containing double-edged sword (Petersen D type) of Blatnica and Hohenberg are dated in the mid IX-th century.

313 Neil S. Price, cited work (2002) 127-150.

314 Brigitta Mader, Die frühmittelalterliche Fundsituation in Friaul. (Aspekte zur slawischen Siedlungs chronologie). Zalai Mùzeum 3 (1991) 44.

This means that the buriel only could be later than 775, but it does not mean that it should be absolutely from the IX-th century. But it is very probable thet the dating is accurate, although these swords of Petersen type K-type existed in the X-th, even in the XI-th century. 315 The mentioned type of the double-edged sword reinforces this. 316 What is only questionable, whether the tentative of personification (or person identification) is founded ? Can be this young man descended from Kocel ? The tomb was close to the church consacrated at honor of Virgin Mary (its hypothetic place), but this church has been completely destroyed ! The analysis of the cemetery containing a great number of tombs of Vàrsziget and its publication is in process, that’s why we only can ascertain, that the double-edged sword of Petersen-type K-type is the product of Karoling-workshop and can be dated with much certainty at the end of the IX-th century or at the first half of the X-th

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century. 317 The place of its production (of its equipment) could also be a workshop of Kijev, where more our objects of the end of IX-th century and of X-th century were prepared. In the Viking buriels (Birka 644-th, 834-th tombs, Klinta 59 :3-rd) in the excavated ashes tombs there were also next to the double-edged swords wooden buckets with iron circle, spears, axes and arabic medals from the X-th century. 318 Without the precise description of the excavated buriels, together with already fundamental genetic examinations, it is not possible to determine, who were the former inhabitants of Vàrsziget in Zalavàr in the VIII-th century and later in the X-XI-th century. It is possible to suppose, that the Avars and the Slaves were living in mixed communities in the world of the troubled IX-th century, becoming poorer and more modest every day and bought simple jewelries and usual objects offered by the wondering commercials for themselves and gave to their deaths. Because neither the S-ending ear pendants, nor the pendants decorated with double conical berries (bikonische Beere), nor the pendants decorated with grape bunch (traubenförmige Ohrgehänge), nor the half moon pendants (halbmondförmige Ohrgehänge), nor the two pieces pendants (zweiteilige Anhängern), nor the spurs, nor the pots, etc., are the characteristics of a certain ethnic group, although they show very well the chronology. This way then, without historical falsification, it is not possible to identify Zalavàr-Vàrsziget with Mosaburg ! The construction rests and buriels excavated there are important in the more fundamental knowledge of the history of both the declining Avaria, the Hungarians conquering the Carpathian-basin, and of the more and more stronger hungarian state, Hungaria.

One part of the excavated monuments and tombs can be related to Hungarians. Several 320 are explaining the data of Theophanész 319, that the seven clans of Slavic peoples (tribe, hepta genea) in 680/681, on the territory of Moesia, after the empire of Samo, was the second slavic tribe alliance. Following Jànos Harmatta this seven clans is not related to the Slaves, but to the hetumoger (hétmagyar-seven hungarian), i.e. the chief of the onogundur/onogur-bulgarian, Aszparuh, has settled Hungarians against the Avars to defend Bulgaria, and this at the end of the VII-th century. 321 Theophanesz calls the Huns Avar in his Chronographia, their costum is similar to the other Huns. The Avars are called by him in that time (564) Turk. If we add to this the data of György monk of the 837-th year, following which the Bulgarians called for help the Ugri, Hunni, Turki named Hungarians, who were in that time at the Low-Danube, against the revolted Makedonians, 322 we have to suppose, that our ancestors played a deteminant role from the first half of the IX-th century in the Carpathian-basin and without doubt also in Zalavàr-Vàrsziget. 323

315 The arabic dirhems are dating the tomb at the beginning of the X-th century. In Poland, in the cemetery of Lutominsk with 125 tombs, they have found in the 2 :1941-st tomb and in the 78-th tomb double-edged sword of X and Y type, that were produced in West-Europe and can be dated to the third third of the X-th century. See Konrad Jaždžewski, Cmentarzysko wczesno sredniowieczne w Lutomirsku pod Lodzia w wietie badan z.r. 1949. Materialy Wczesnosredniowieczne 1 (1949) 91-179, especially 107-110. In the polish cemetery of Konskie with 170 tombs, in the 71-st tomb was laying a double-edged sword on the right side of the death, with its point turning to the basin. The handful button of half circle was below oval, on the handful button and the cross iron there was silver decoration. Time of production X-th century, putting in the tomb beginning of the XI-th century. At the legs of the death there was a spur-pair with conical prickle and belt taking. The other sword was found in the 170-th tomb, on the left side of the death. On the handful button of half sphere form there were traces of silver and cupper decoration. This sword is of X-type. At the foot a spur-pair was laying, at the outside of the right foot was standing an ironed wooden bucket. See Jerzy Gassowski, cited work (1950/52) 71-172, especially 130-154. 

316 In order to examine the double-edged swords, see Kornél Bakay, Archäologische Studien zur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgründung. Acta Archaeologica ASH 19 (1967) 164-173.

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317 The repeated review of the normann buriels with sword emphasizes the necessity of distinction between the place of the production of the blade and the place of its equipment.

318 Neil S. Price, cited work (2002) 131 skk.

319 Samu Szàdeczky-Kardoss, cited work (1998) 223.

320 Alexander Avenarius, cited work (1974) 172-173.

321 Kornél Bakay, cited work (2002) 205.

322 Gyula Moravcsik, Az onogurok történetéhez. (To the history of the Onogurs.) Magyar Nyelv 50 (1930) 108.

323 Earlier and in more recent time many are supposing, that the Hungarian people was formed in the Carpathian-basin already starting from the hun period, as from a mixture of the so-called ugor and turkish elements. « Thus Arpàd and his Hungarians have found the Hungarian people here at the end of the IX-th century, in the country of four rivers, already prepared from the ethnical point of view, and they only should have increased the turkish element. » With Armin Vàmbéry this was also the opinion of Ferenc Sólyom Fekete, Làszló Réthy, Géza Nagy. The last one « says the state of Turk of the aristocrats arriving with Árpàd very probable. » (The name turk used by the Byzantines brings high probability to this hypothesis.) See Géza Kuun report Szàzadok 29 (1895) 747-755. Géza Gr. Kuun has besides rejected that we should call the finnish-type peoples ugor: «The finn-ugor denomination is thus arbitrary and does not correspond to the facts.» Following his point of view the name ugor (in the sources lingua ungaresca) cannot be referred to the osztjaks and the voguls. « The ugor, ogor, uger name, it seems, was a collector name of those peoples, who were running everywhere through the planes of Kipcsak since the appearance of the Avars. » « To characterize the Osztjàk living in the far north the Ugor name is not accurate and cannot be considered as a fortunately chosen name. » Géza Graf Kuun, Adalékok Krim történetéhez. (Contribution to the history of Krim.) MTA Értekezések a nyelvtudomànyok köréből 3. Budapest, 1873, 31-35.

Figure 2. Istrian late antique stone hewing with Hungarian hieroglyphic writing used also by the Avars, with the sentence symbols „Dana atyaisten” (Dana, God the Father) and ”Dana ten magas köve” (the high stone of Dana God), below them the Szekler logograms and letters corresponding to the Avar logograms (photo graphics made and selected by Géza Varga)

Röviditések – (Abbreviations)

AQDGM Ausgewählte Quellen zur Deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters

CBC Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum

DHA Diplomata Hungariae Antiquissima I.

MEH A magyarok elődeiről és a honfoglalàsról. Kortàrsak és krónikàsok hiradàsai. (From the ancestors of the Hungarians and the country conquest. News of the contemporaries and the chroniclers.)

MGH SS Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores I-XXXIV.

MHK A magyar honfoglalàs kùtfői (The sources of the Hungarian country conquest)

MKI Magyarsàgkutató Intézet, Budapest

MNM Magyar Nemzei Mùzeum, Budapest

MMFH Magnae Moraviae Fontes Historici I-V.

SRH Scriptoters rerum Hungaricarum I-II.

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UB Urkundenbuch des Burgenlandes I-V.

WBG Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt