A Five-Thousand-Year-Old Readable Jiroft Turul in the Homeland of the Turul Dynasty

 - Ötezer éves elolvasható dzsiroft turul a Turul-dinasztia szülőföldjén -

Hajime Inagaki, a researcher and former curator of the Miho Museum in Japan, has written outstanding studies under the title The Symbolism of Animal Motifs on South-Eastern Iranian Bronze Age Stone Objects: Sacred Symbols from Ancient West Asia and West-Central Asia on the iconography and symbolism of the 3rd millennium BC stone and chlorite vessels of the Jiroft culture in south-eastern Iran. In the 3rd part of this series, he publishes the image of a turul bird (1) (Figure 1). A parallel to this turul bird can also be found in the cultures of the wider environment (Figures 2 and 3), which can also be read using the characters of the Hungarian hieroglyphic script. This suggests that the readable turul is the legacy of an ancient cultural community that used Hungarian signs and recorded Hungarian sentences with them. For us Hungarians, this is particularly interesting because, according to the testimony of our sign inventory and mythology, we have a connection to the sign treasury characteristic of this landscape and to this turul. Either we also drew from this cultural treasure, or we participated in its creation. (2)

Figure 1. The turul of the Jiroft culture, sprinkled with the signs of Lyukó 'the name of the sun god', took the shape of the ancestral (ős) hieroglyph of the Székely script, while its beak corresponds to the great (nagy) hieroglyph; its reading is: Nagyságos Lyukó ős 'The Noble Lyukó ancestor'. On the right edge of the figure, from top to bottom, are the 'n' (nagy "noble/great), 'ly' (Lyukó), and ős (ancestor) signs of the Székely script.

The turul shown in Figure 1 evokes the Hungarian myth of Emese's Dream. Namely, our ancestral mother Emese was impregnated by a turul, and our Árpád Dynasty rulers descend from her. Nor can we disregard the circumstance that, based on genetic results, the genome of the Árpád House, referred to as the turul dynasty, developed in the neighboring BMAC culture. Furthermore, in the nearby Indus Valley culture, we find all three logograms of the Hungarian state coat of arms (the Árpád stripes, the double cross, and the triple mount) among 40 Székely-identical logograms (Figure 5). The Sabir ancestor sentence-sign can also be found in this region, which contains the old name of the Hungarians mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus. These same logograms can also be found among the signs of the 7-8 thousand-year-old Halaf culture in Syria, all 32 signs of which are Hungarian-identical. These connections testify to the eastern roots of Hungarian culture 5-10 thousand years ago. The reason these script-historical connections have not been and are not noticed is that they refute the Finno-Ugric preconceptions that became dominant after the surrender at Világos and were presented as academic dogma for about a century and a half. The groundlessness of these misconceptions is being proven precisely nowadays as a result of genetic, archaeological, and script-historical research. This Jiroft turul bird is one of the arguments that overturn the falsification of history established for the sake of the occupiers.

Figure 2. An Indus Valley sign montage depicting a turul bird according to Ioannis Kenanidis and Evangelos C. Papakitsos, as well as the corresponding Székely signs below it

The sign montage shown in Figure 2 is the script for a deity-invoking ceremony. Its reading is: Shine! Crucial matter, heavenly ancestor. You shone. A blueprint for a deity-invoking ceremonial manual can also be read on the Holy Crown, which was made for the Sabir Huns around 531.

Figure 3. An 11th-century Seljuk bowl with a turul bearing the ős (ancestor) hieroglyph (center, photo graphics); to the left (from top to bottom) are the ragyogó "radiant", Lyukó (the sun god), sar (sire), ős , ten hieroglyphs of the turul; to the right are the Székely "r", "ly", "s", ős (ancestor), and ten (sky god, life-force) signs corresponding to the hieroglyphs

On the above turul representations, there is a series of Hungarian-identical signs that depict the world tree. The failure of the world tree debate, which recently took place without results, would also justify utilizing the research results concerning this sign usage.

In the sections below, based on the prevalence of common signs, I have attempted to define the Sabir-Hurrian cultural area that could be the initial source of our sign usage, but this attempt has not yet yielded a final result due to the general prevalence of our signs. It is possible that the sign inventory of the 7-8 thousand-year-old Halaf culture is closest to the ancient culture sought, but this cannot yet be considered complete. In view of Genevieve von Petzinger's research, the ultimate source could even be older than 100,000 years. Based on the parallels below, it is only obvious that the mass of Székely-identical signs is dominant almost everywhere. The earlier a culture is, or the earlier layers of a culture we pay attention to, the more parallels we find. This may mean that the roots of these ancient cultures took their signs from a primary culture speaking Hungarian or a language related to Hungarian, and what is synonymous with this: the foundations of their worldview, religion, and concept of state.

The Jiroft Culture

The Jiroft culture was a highly developed Early Bronze Age culture that flourished in present-day southeastern Iran, Kerman province, in the Halil River valley during the 3rd millennium BC (approx. between 3000–1800 BC). The culture was only discovered in the early 2000s, after devastating floods in the region washed ancient tombs out of the ground, and locals began to illegally sell the archaeological finds of incredible beauty en masse. The official excavations were later led by Iranian archaeologist Youssef Madjidzadeh.

The primary trademark of Jiroft is the mass of luxury vessels and utilitarian objects carved from soft, dark greenish chlorite stone (also known as steatite or soapstone). The surface of the vessels is decorated with fine carvings in relief. Their favorite motifs include eagles with outspread wings, palm trees with drooping branches, snakes, leopards, as well as mythological hybrid creatures (for example, scorpion-men, figures depicting bull-men). Many inlaid the carved recesses with colored gemstones (such as lapis lazuli, carnelian, turquoise) and white limestone, which testifies to extraordinary wealth.

Jiroft was not an alliance of nomadic tribes, but a vast, organized urban civilization. At the main center of the culture, the site of Konar Sandal, two huge mounds are located (Konar Sandal North and South). One of the largest and most ancient mud-brick ziggurats (pyramid-like platform structures) in the world was excavated here, the base of which exceeded several hundred meters, and which was the center of religious and administrative life. During the excavations, complex bronze axes, daggers, copper objects, and fine gold jewelry were found, proving a high level of metallurgical knowledge.

Due to its geographical location, the most important intermediary and trade network of the Bronze Age world is linked to Jiroft. This is particularly interesting for us because the Uralic language family developed along the sites of the Bronze Age Seima-Turbino culture (a metal trade and ore prospecting route). Based on the distribution of the Sabir ancestor sentence-sign, this culture was the work of a Sabir-Hurrian population indigenous from Syria and the southern parts of Anatolia to Elam, and reaching from there to Egypt and the Indus Valley. The Uralic languages may have developed from the Hungarian or Hungarian-related language used by them.

The Jiroft culture was in contact with all the major civilizations of the era: in the East, with the Indus Valley Civilization (Harappa), from where they imported carnelian and ivory. In the North, with the BMAC (Bactria–Margiana) culture, from where the precious lapis lazuli arrived. In the West, with Mesopotamia (Sumer and Elam). The chlorite vessels carved in Jiroft were considered status symbols, so they also reached the royal tombs and temples of Ur, Uruk, Mari, and Susa.

Jiroft possessed its own advanced administration, as proven by the clay tablets found at Konar Sandal. They used two parallel writing systems: Linear Elamite (which may have recorded economic relations) and a completely unique, still undeciphered geometric script, which is the culture's own intellectual product.

The discovery of the Jiroft culture fundamentally changed the history of the ancient Near East. It proved that the Bronze Age development of the Near East was not limited exclusively to the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates (Mesopotamia), but that to their east, on the Iranian plateau, an equal, wealthy, and spiritually highly complex civilization flourished.

The Jiroft culture (3rd millennium BC, southeastern Iran, Halil Rud Valley) is one of the most exciting archaeological discoveries of the ancient East. Their stone carvings, especially their vessels made of soft chlorite stone, reveal a characteristic world of beliefs and symbol system to us. Plant representations of mythological significance and birds of prey occupy a prominent place on their objects.

The tree represents the world tree, or tree of life, in Jiroft art, which connects the earth with the sky. Considering that the world tree debate recently took place without results in our beautiful homeland, the research and especially the understanding of these tree representations would be timely and justified, because without this, Hungarian primordial research and ethnography stand defenseless against the foolish attacks of Éva Pócs and her kind. (3) According to archaeologist Youssef Madjidzadeh, the eagle representations are closely related to the later Mesopotamian Etana myth, where the eagle helps the king fly up into the sky.

The Siblings of the Sabir-Hurrian Jiroft Culture

Based on their sign usage and the assumable Sabir-Hurrian language, Göbekli Tepe, Aratta, Halaf, and Tepe Yahya are identical to the Jiroft culture or parts of it.

• Göbekli Tepe, based on the three hieroglyphic script relics recovered from there, left us Hungarian sentences written with Hungarian signs. Based on the occurrence of the Sabir ancestor sentence-sign, it may have had a Sabir-Hurrian population, which is also supported by its geographical proximity to Subartu.
• Aratta appears in four major Sumerian epics (these are Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, Enmerkar and Ensuhkeshdanna, and two Lugalbanda stories). It is described as a mountainous country that is difficult to access, lying beyond seven mountain ranges. The king of Uruk, Enmerkar, launches an expedition or sends envoys to Aratta because there are no precious metals, chlorite stone, and gemstones (lapis lazuli) in Uruk, and he requests these from the lord of Aratta so that he can build the temples of the Sumerian gods. According to the myth, the goddess Inanna (the mistress of love and war) originally lived in Aratta, but later left them and moved her seat to the city of Uruk because the Sumerian king pleased her more. Thus, in the texts, Sumer and Aratta are two separate worlds, where Sumer is the new center of civilization and divine grace, while Aratta is the mountain kingdom rich in raw materials but ultimately submitting.

Although the texts do not state it explicitly, several modern researchers (including Youssef Madjidzadeh, who excavated Jiroft) have started from the premise that the Sumerians pay conspicuously great respect to this distant country in their own sacred stories.

Sumerian priests and architects requested craftsmen from Aratta to build their most sacred temples (for example, the ziggurat of Eridu). From this, they conclude that the core of Sumerian religious and architectural culture may have originated from Aratta.

The Sumerian and later Biblical flood stories (where the ark lands on Mount Ararat) suggest that Mesopotamian civilization began after people came down from the mountains to the plains. Therefore, according to many researchers, the mountainous Aratta (be it Jiroft on the Iranian plateau or Ararat in the Armenian Highlands in the north) lived in the collective memory of the Sumerians as the location of rebirth after the flood. The Bible also remembers that some of Noah's descendants settled east of Eden—that is, possibly in the territory of Iran, in Jiroft. Therefore, it is understandable if the territory of Eden and Jiroft to its east were both referred to by the name Aratta.

The Sabir-Hurrian territories could have been called Aratta, which is also identified with the name of Ararat to the west of Jiroft. However, if we explain the name Aratta in Hungarian with the meaning Úr atya (Lord Father), then it becomes permissible that we are dealing not with a single mountain, but with a primordial concept that the population of the entire area followed.

• Tepe Yahya is important for us because, thanks to János Makkay, we previously had the opportunity to become acquainted with its 6,000-year-old sign inventory, and we could establish that they already used 20 Székely-identical signs a thousand years before the appearance of the Sumerians. What makes this culture particularly interesting is that some derive the Sumerians from here (the Sabir-Hurrian territories).

The connection between Tepe Yahya and the Jiroft culture is one of the important tenets of Bronze Age archaeology. The two sites lie geographically extremely close to each other. Tepe Yahya is located only about 75-90 kilometers west-southwest of the city of Jiroft and the Halil Rud Valley—thus, their close economic, cultural, and political intertwining was inevitable.

The fame of Tepe Yahya in both the ancient world and modern archaeology was provided by the fact that clear chlorite stone processing workshops were excavated at the site. While Jiroft (Konar Sandal) was the monumental royal and religious center of the region with its huge ziggurat, Tepe Yahya functioned as a kind of production and mining center. The soapstone mined here and the soft chlorite vessels carved from it were exported through Jiroft's trade network to Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley, and the Persian Gulf.

The motif treasury of the carvings found in layer IVB of Tepe Yahya is identical to that of the vessels found in the Jiroft Valley. If the sign inventory from Tepe Yahya is characterized by 20 Hungarian-identical signs, then it supports the identification and Hungarian connection of the Jiroft turul in Figure 1 (Figure 4).

Figure 4. Correspondences between the Tepe Yahya and the Hungarian sign inventories

The two sites are also connected by the appearance of literacy and administration. In the archaeological phase Tepe Yahya IVC (around 3100–2800 BC), a significant number of Proto-Elamite economic clay tablets and seal impressions were found. This early written culture is a direct precursor or parallel to the Linear Elamite inscriptions found in Jiroft. According to archaeologists, Tepe Yahya was an important administrative stop on the trade route that connected Elam's capital, Susa, with the eastern Jiroft basin.

Tepe Yahya and Jiroft formed part of the very same civilizational fabric. Tepe Yahya was the place where the stonemasons actually worked and extracted the goods, and Jiroft was the sacred and political center where the goods were concentrated, from where power and the application of the symbols used were coordinated.

Jiroft's Neighbors

Jiroft (the representative of the territory with a Sabir-Hurrian population) was not an isolated oasis, but one of the largest trade and cultural hubs of the Bronze Age world. Their vessels and motifs reached incredible distances. Their sign inventory is strongly linked to the sign inventory of the Hungarian hieroglyphic script.

- Sumer: Many identify Jiroft with Aratta, the fabulous, wealthy eastern country mentioned in Sumerian epics, which is Uruk's rich, mythical rival in Sumerian epics, the original homeland of sacred stones and the goddess Inanna. Modern researchers consider Aratta as one of the possible cradles (ancient homelands) of Sumerian cultural and religious roots. The luxury chlorite vessels carved in Jiroft also reached Sumerian temples and royal tombs (e.g., the city of Ur). The existence of Hungarian-identical signs in Jiroft is explained by the fact that we find more than twenty Hungarian-identical signs among the earliest Sumerian signs as well (Figure 4). These are bound to the Hungarian sign inventory not only by formal connections but, in several cases, also by content connections regarding meaning and phonetic form. Simo Parpola classified Sumerian among the Uralic languages.

Figure 5. Agreements between early Sumerian script characters and the Hungarian sign inventory

• Elam lay to the west of the territory of the Jiroft culture, and they were bound together by extremely close cultural, linguistic, and economic threads. Elam was located in the territory of present-day southwestern Iran (Khuzestan and Fars provinces), its centers were the cities of Susa and Anshan, directly in the neighborhood of Mesopotamia. According to the proposal of the discovering archaeologist, Youssef Madjidzadeh, Jiroft is an autonomous, independent Bronze Age civilization that stood geographically and culturally as a kind of bridge (intermediate link) between western Elam and the eastern Indus Valley Civilization.

Although they stood apart politically, the most exciting intertwining can be demonstrated in the field of literacy. The clay tablets found in Jiroft (Konar Sandal) also feature inscriptions that appear to be early versions of the Linear Elamite script. Several researchers have suggested that Elamite literacy and language actually originated from Jiroft (from the east) and spread from there westward, in the direction of Susa. If this is true, then Jiroft may have been one of the most ancient roots or cradles of Elamite culture.

Although both peoples may have spoken agglutinative languages and built ziggurats, French archaeologist Jean Perrot (who researched both Susa and Jiroft) highlighted: the art, iconography, and chlorite vessels of Jiroft's inhabitants reflect a completely unique worldview that is well distinguishable from both the Sumerians and the classical Elamites.

• The Indus Valley Civilization (Harappa / Meluhha): Jiroft was in close contact with the Indus culture flourishing to its east, in the territory of present-day Pakistan. In the excavations of Konar Sandal (the center of Jiroft), white marble seal impressions and inscriptions were found that bear Indus Valley script characters and motifs. Jiroft delivered chlorite to the east, and the Indus Valley gave carnelian and other gemstones in return. Similarly to Jiroft, we also find Hungarian hieroglyphs in the Indus Valley culture: they used more than forty Hungarian-identical logograms, including all three logograms of the Hungarian state coat of arms (Figure 5).

Figure 6. Hungarian-related signs in the sign inventory of the Indus Valley culture (according to Ioannis Kenanidis - Evangelos C. Papakitsos)

• The BMAC (Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex): In the northern direction, barter trade was also brisk with the Oxus civilization in the territory of present-day Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Mythological hybrid creatures (creatures with a lion's body and a human head, or dragon-like creatures) form a common motif treasury between the two regions. The BMAC culture is notable not only because the genome of the Árpád House was born here, but also because its sign usage is in close connection with Hungarian sign usage. For example, the equivalent of our Ten "god" sign (an extract of the Sabir ancestor sentence-sign) also occurs here.
• Hatti and Hittite. The Hittites adopted their mythology and their signs from the Hattians as well. Characteristic of their Hungarian connection is the approx. 20 Hungarian-identical signs and the name of the sun god, Estan. The latter is particularly interesting because the Hungarian word isten (god), which can undoubtedly be identified with the Hattian and Hittite Estan, is a compound of our words ős (ancestor) and ten. This means nothing less than that the Hattian people, who went extinct around 3000 BC, created the name Estan from two Hungarian words.

Figure 7. Hittite (Luwian) and Hungarian sign parallels

Notes

(1) The turul is an important actor in the primordial religion alongside the miraculous deer, the world model, the world tree, and divine representations. The turul can be distinguished from other birds of prey on the basis that—following the principle "a sacred sign fits a sacred theme"—equivalents of Székely runic signs (symbols of the Stone Age primordial religion) are present on the turul.

(2) Academic historical linguistics mostly classifies the Sumerian, Elamite, Hurrian, Hattian, Indus Valley (Tamil?), and Urartian languages into independent language families, or considers them un-related isolate languages, and methodologically does not consider their genetic relationship with the Hungarian language, which belongs to the Finno-Ugric language family, as proven.

To which we can add that the exploration of a new group of sources justifies the birth of new explanations. And such a new group of sources is the short texts written with the Hungarian hieroglyphic script that can be read in Hungarian, and the mass of Hungarian-identical logograms among the script relics of the period and the landscape. The profession has not noticed these so far, even though a significant group of data is concerned. As long as there is no better explanation for the striking Hungarian connections of these short hieroglyphic texts, this era is not well described.

The methods of academic "science" are anyway not in all cases worthy of our distinguished respect; moreover, explicitly erroneous and harmful dogma and practice can also be found on their premises.

Thanks to this, Simo Parpola, Angela Marcantonio, Otto von Sadovszky, Sándor Csőke, and László Marácz, applying the usual scientific methods, reached diametrically opposed conclusions.

• Simo Parpola, classifying Sumerian—which had been written off for long decades as an un-related isolate language—among the Ugric languages, noted that this relationship did not strike previous research because no one was interested in the facts. At other times, for example, in the case of the late medieval Budapest badge, they barbarically filed down the surface of the object—which bore a Hungarian text and was erroneously believed to be Hunnish—denying the existence of the runic text on it that was still recognized at the time of its acquisition. The lack of interest of academic science and its severe methodological errors, such as this and similar ones, justify continuing the research and taking newer aspects into consideration.
• László Marácz, a Hungarian linguist living and researching in the Netherlands (Associate Professor, University of Amsterdam), is a well-known critic of the theory of Finno-Ugric language relationship. In several of his works—for example, in his book Magyar fordulat (Hungarian Turn) published in 1995—he criticized the Finno-Ugric dogmas of domestic academic linguistics and supports the primordial language character of the Hungarian language, as well as alternative approaches (for example, those built on the foundations of the Czuczor–Fogarasi dictionary).
• Angela Marcantonio (1951–2018) was a professor of historical and Uralic linguistics at the Sapienza University of Rome (Università degli Studi di Roma „La Sapienza”).

Her main work is The Uralic Language Family: Facts, Myths and Statistics, published in 2002, in which she reviewed Finno-Ugric studies from a methodological point of view. She reached the conclusion that, according to the strict rules of historical linguistics, irrefutable scientific evidence is lacking to show that the Uralic languages indeed form a language family descending from a single common proto-language.

She dedicated a separate volume to the Hungarian question under the title Historical Linguistics and the Origin of the Hungarian Language (2006). According to her argumentation, the structural and vocabulary agreements between Hungarian and the other Finno-Ugric languages are not sufficient to prove a relationship, and she believed that the Finno-Ugric model was also shaped by political-ideological influences in the 19th century.

In her later research (for example, in her posthumously published works from 2021), she was strongly occupied by the relationship between the Hungarian and Turkic languages. She raised the point that official academic linguistics tended to simply label the large number of Turkic elements found in the Hungarian language as "loanwords," while the Hungarian language may actually be tied to the Turkic world by much closer structural and historical threads than to the Uralic one.

Since Marcantonio criticized the Uralic theory not as an outside amateur but from a recognized Western European university chair, using the toolkit of official comparative linguistics, her work triggered fierce debates in domestic academic circles. At the same time, among critics of the Finno-Ugric theory, she is considered one of the most important international reference points to this day.

Thus, the academic argument that they represent the scientifically demanding methodology is nothing more than a common bluff. The unfounded preconception of mainstream linguistics about the question of the primordial language is also erroneous. According to the current standpoint of "linguistics," the existence of a single common global primordial language from a few thousand years ago (like the Babelian one) cannot be verified linguistically, since the diversification of languages is a much older process. In that, of course, we can agree that a Stone Age primordial culture may be in the background of Hungarian-identical phenomena. Perhaps we can respect one of these Hungarian-identical phenomena of Stone Age origin in the readable turul of the Jiroft culture as well.

Academic "linguistics" does not build on sufficiently old script relics for its findings given in this matter to be considered reliable. It cannot even read the script relics of the 12,000-year-old Göbekli Tepe, not to mention the older, even 40,000-year-old hieroglyphic script relics, such as those that have surfaced, e.g., in Marbella and in the Stadel Cave, or also in America. With the help of the Hungarian hieroglyphic script, however, all of these can be understood and read. It cannot be considered a methodological value of academic "science" that it does not even move its ears when Hungarian hieroglyphic script relics are concerned. Moreover, it applies censorship against the topic just because it refutes the unfounded preconceptions and, of course, they do not understand it either.

There is also that consideration with which Sándor Csúcs—having read my paper discussing this—already agreed following in my footsteps. Namely, with the fact that if Homo sapiens sapiens developed from a single family and spread throughout the world, then initially it had a single language and culture. This could then have split into various languages and cultures, but the original primordial language can have (and does have) many remnants, and these can pop up anywhere. Therefore, agreements popping up in distant languages (and we can add: scripts) must be considered not a coincidence (as there is an example for this among representatives of academic science, even though coincidence does not even exist), but the remnant of primordial relationship. Therefore, taking scattered Hungarian traces into consideration is justified, because perhaps the primordial language can be reconstructed this way.

The mathematical probability calculation performed with the help of Tibor Nemetz proved that the writing and sign systems of the world developed from a single common Stone Age ancestor. And the same may be the situation with languages as well.

Mathematicians have already described that using the word coincidence in science is an impropriety, because coincidence does not even exist. It is customary to call coincidence that whose cause they do not know, or about which they do not want to talk. In the light of this statement, the word coincidence applied by linguists to similar words popping up in distant languages, or to other linguistic phenomena, is a revealing methodological error. We have no reason to fall on our faces before the erroneous findings of academic pseudo-science built on a methodology burdened with severe errors.

The linguistic and script-historical phenomena demonstrated above demand an explanation, and science cannot walk past them with downcast eyes, because its task is not the defense of a preconception with a political purpose, but the satisfaction of our curiosity.

(3) The organization of research and the reassessment of the situation would be the task of authorities, institutions, and workshops active in the cultural field. Among the editorial offices organizing the first rounds of the world tree debate, the Mandiner has already been swept away by the current change of government, but the honor of the nation may still depend on the editorial offices of Ethnographia and Valóság—if they do something to save it.

References

Inagaki Hajime: The Symbolism of Animal Designs in the Stone Artifacts of Southeastern Iran Bronze Age: Sacred Symbols from Ancient West Asia and Western Central Asia (academia.edu)

Ioannis Kenanidis and Evangelos C. Papakitsos (2025): An Estimate of the Indus Valley Language Phonology, Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences, August, Quest Journals. DOI: 10.35629/9467-1308171194

Géza Varga (2019): Hiteles turulábrázolások, Authentic Turul Representations

Géza Varga (2019): Csúcs Sándor és a nyelvtudomány megtermékenyült, Sándor Csúcs and Linguistics Have Fecundated

Géza Varga (2021): A németországi Stadel-barlang 38-42 000 éves oroszlánemberének jelei,The Signs of the 38-42,000-Year-Old Lion-Man of the Stadel Cave in Germany

Géza Varga (2021): Istenidéző szertartás szövegkönyve a Szent Koronán, The Script for a Deity-Invoking Ceremony on the Holy Crown

Géza Varga (2021): Genevieve von Petzinger kőkori szövegeinek magyar olvasata, The Hungarian Reading of Genevieve von Petzinger's Stone Age Texts

Varga Géza (2022): An Eleventh-Century Seljuk Bowl with a Turul Bird Bearing the “Ancestor” Hieroglyph

Éva Pócs (2023): The World Tree of the Conquering Hungarians in the Light of Researchers’ Illusions, reconstruction, construction, deconstruction. In Dániel Bárdos and Ádám Tamás Tuboly (eds.), Emberarcú tudomány. Áltudományok és összeesküvés-elméletek szorításában, Science with a Human Face. In the Grip of Pseudo-Sciences and Conspiracy Theories, pp. 283–324. Budapest: Typotex Publishing

Varga Géza (2024): A Pócs Éva cikkére reagáló akadémikus henger szakmai erőtlensége, The Professional Weakness of the Academic Onslaught Responding to Éva Pócs’s Article

Géza Varga (2024): Hoppál Mihály álláspontja kapcsán a világfa a csodaszarvas és a rovológia rendszerszerű összefüggéséről, On Mihály Hoppál's Position Regarding the Systemic Connection of the World Tree, the Miraculous Deer, and Rovology

Varga Géza (2024): Világfát ábrázoló egyedi hieroglifák, Unique Hieroglyphs Depicting the World Tree.

Géza Varga (2025): Göbekli Tepe írásemlékeinek olvasata, The Reading of the Script Relics of Göbekli Tepe

Géza Varga (2025): A marbellai Dana zsen ligatúra az istennel azonos világfát ábrázolja, The Dana Zen Ligature of Marbella Depicts the World Tree Identical with God

Varga Géza (2026): Az Indus-völgyi és a magyar jelformák összehasonlítása, A Comparison of Indus Valley and Hungarian Sign Forms.

Géza Varga (2026): Hieroglifikus és antropomorf istenábrázolások, Hieroglyphic and Anthropomorphic Representations of God

Géza Varga (2026): Magyar történelem a szabír ős ten mondatjel előfordulásai alapján, Hungarian History Based on Occurrences of the Sabir Ancestor God Sentence-Sign

Géza Varga (2026): Halaf jelhasználat, Halaf Sign Usage

Varga Géza (n.d.): Világfa vita, The World Tree Debate

Géza Varga (n. d.): Világmodellek, World Models

Géza Varga (n. d.): Amerikai indián népi írásemlékek elolvasása a magyar hieroglif írás segítségével, Reading American Indian Folk Script Relics with the Help of the Hungarian Hieroglyphic Script

Géza Varga (n. d.): Istenidéző szertartások szövegkönyve, The Script for Deity-Invoking Ceremonies

Varga Géza